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Paul Cuffee, Negro ship-owner and colonizer, was born near New Bedford, Massachusetts. As a free Negro whose father had been a slave, Cuffee became greatly concerned over the status of the Negroes in his native state and throughout America to the extent that he became one of the first to advocate African colonization as a solution to the incipient racial problem. In 1811, he traveled to Sierra Leone, a British colony on the West Coast of Africa, where he founded the Friendly Society of Sierra Leone, for the emigration of free Negroes from America. In 1815, he spent $4,000 of his own funds to transport 38 Negroes to Sierra Leone. He had planned more expeditions to Africa, but his health failed and he died in 1817. A successful shipbuilder and ship-owner, he accumulated an estate worth more than $20,000. In 1797, at a price of $3,500, he purchased for himself and his Indian wife, Alice Pequit, a farm on which he built a school for free Negro children. He and his brother, John Cuffee, entered a suit, as taxpayers, against the state of Massachusetts for the right to vote; but they were unsuccessful in winning the case. Several years later, legislation was adopted to correct the unjust practice. The Negro entrepreneur campaigned regularly against discriminatory practices faced by the Negroes in America. His association with whites was unquestioned, and he was received by the Quakers as a member of the Westport Society of Friends. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/hoba/1031/thumbnail.jpg

In Negro Soy Yo Marc D. Perry explores Cuba's hip hop movement as a window into the racial complexities of the island's ongoing transition from revolutionary socialism toward free-market capitalism. Centering on the music and lives of black-identified raperos (rappers), Perry examines the ways these young artists craft notions of black Cuban identity and racial citizenship, along with calls for racial justice, at the fraught confluence of growing Afro-Cuban marginalization and long held perceptions of Cuba as a non-racial nation. Situating hip hop within a long history of Cuban racial politics, Perry discusses the artistic and cultural exchanges between raperos and North American rappers and activists, and their relationships with older Afro-Cuban intellectuals and African American political exiles. He also examines critiques of Cuban patriarchy by female raperos, the competing rise of reggaetón, as well as state efforts to incorporate hip hop into its cultural institutions. At this pivotal moment of Cuban-U.S. relations, Perry's analysis illuminates the evolving dynamics of race, agency, and neoliberal transformation amid a Cuba in historic flux.

Although some scholars treat racial residential segregation in northern cities as a twentieth-century phenomenon, recent research on New York and Chicago has shown that black-white segregation was already high and rising by 1880. We draw on data from the Philadelphia Social History Project and other new sources to study trends in this city as far back as 1850 and extending to 1900, a time when DuBois had completed his epic study of The Philadelphia Negro. Segregation of "free negroes" in Philadelphia was high even before the Civil War but did not increase as the total and black populations grew through 1900. Geocoded information from the full-count data from the 1880 Census makes it possible to map the spatial configuration of black residents in fine detail. At the scale of the street segment, segregation in that year was extraordinarily high, reflecting a micropattern in which many blacks lived in alleys and short streets. Although there was considerable class variation in the black community, higher-status black households lived in areas that were little different in racial and class composition than lower-status households.

In at least some measure, the Negro demonstrations of the 1960's were an attempt to create tensions and intimidate the white public into taking actions favored by the black minority, or, that failing, to provoke such a savage reaction from the whites as to arouse national public opinion. Violence and threats of violence were an integral part of this strategy. It is to the credit of Virginia leaders at all levels that they recognized this overt threat and refused to yield to extra-legal tactics. One of the most unhappy legacies of the 1960's was the wide-spread notion that questions of public policy should be determined by mobs in the street." Not infrequently it seemed that even the federal judiciary viewed the behavior of Negro demonstrators as somehow above the law. At first glance the judicial receptivity to civil rights demands would appear to remove any necessity for protest activity, but in fact the judicial climate encouraged the belief that almost any conduct by blacks in the name of "civil rights," short of personal violence, would be upheld as a form of free expression. Whatever the flaws in Danville's handling of the demonstrations, Virginians correctly insisted upon obedience to law and established procedure. Illegal practices in Danville or errors by Judge Aiken could be corrected on appeal and did not furnish an excuse for street mobs. The Danville experience suggests the limitation of mass demonstration as a tactic to encourage social change. Only under unique circumstances--favorable national publicity, clumsy and obnoxious local government authorities subject to ready vilification, timely federal assistance--could they succeed. In short, the Danville disorders show the ease with which the South could maintain racial segregation absent federal intervention.

INTRODUCTION In all communities the number one consideration should be health, As it is known, without it there just would not be progress. In the early days, health was not carried to its fullest extent because people had less knowledge of the care for one's body and surroundings. With the change of time and this new age, there should not be any need for neglect of one's self and his surroundings. Within the text of this thesis, the writer has tried to cover some of the things that contribute to healthful living. Special emphasis has been given to health: social, political, and economic. A brief history of health will be found within this text. The facts are as the writer found them in the study of this community. The writer also used other authors' and educators' points of view on this subject. Sweeny is a small city located in South Texas. It is twenty miles west of Bay City, Texas, ten miles north of West Columbia, Texas, twenty-six miles east of Free Port, Texas, and sixty-six miles south of Houston. It is located between two big industries: Dow Chemical Plant in Free Port, and Old Ocean Gas and Refinery in Old Ocean, Texas, Sweeny is a low, flat area which causes the water to empty from it into the Gulf of Mexico. The land is fertile and suitable for farming most all kinds of crops and for cattle raising. Its ground is rich with minerals. The city receives as much rainfall as any other city in this area. THE PROBLEM Statement of the problem. It was the purpose of this study (1) to investigate the health conditions of the Negro citizens in Sweeny; (2) to investigate the factors influencing health conditions; and (3) to determine if the Negro citizens live in circumstances above or below the normal health standards. Purpose of the study. This study was undertaken because the writer was interested in the health of the people in the community. The writer feels that the need for health improvement is highly important in our present-day society, With the prevalence of disease and increases in population, a community should try to maintain its highest health standards.

"A Negro and by consequence an alien" : local regulations and the making of race, 1500s-1700s -- The "inconvenience" of Black freedom : manumission, 1500s-1700s -- "The natural right of all mankind" : claiming freedom in the Age of Revolution, 1760-1830 -- "Rules ... for their expulsion" : foreclosing freedom, 1830-1860 -- "Not of the same blood" : policing racial boundaries, 1830-1860 -- Conclusion: "Home-born citizens" : the significance of free people of color.

This nuanced portrait of abolitionist politics in the decades leading up to the Civil War contains hundreds of historically valuable letters. This treasury recaptures the voices of prominent political and philosophical leaders such as Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison as well as the voices of slaves and free men, ordinary citizens, lawyers, and ministers. Along with documents concerning the active abolitionist movement, this compilation features correspondence related to the American Colonization Society, an organization that advocated the resettlement of freed slaves in Africa. Ed