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CONFLICT BETWEEN CENTRAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN BRITAIN HAS REACHED HEIGHTS IN THE 1980S. EARLY ATTEMPTS IN THE LATE 1970S TO THEORIZE THE NATURE OF LOCAL POLITICS AND THE STATE HAVE BEEN OVERTAKEN BY THE RADICAL RESTRUCTURING OF THE GEORGRAPHY OF CENTRAL-LOCAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS. THIS ARTICLE TAKES SLTOCK OF KEY ISSUES IN THE ANALYSIS OF LOCAL POLITICS AND THE STATE AT THE LEVEL OF THEORY AND PRACTICE. IT LOOKS IN TURN AT: DEVELOPMENTS IN RADICAL SOCIAL THEORY: CENTRAL-LOCAL RELATIONS AND POLICY IMPLEMENTATION, HIGHLIGHTING THE EMERGING RADICAL CRITIQUE; THE INFORMAL POLITICS OF COMMUNITY ACTION AND BEYOND; THE POST-1979 CRISIS IN FORMAL CENTRAL-LOCAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS; AND CONCLUDES BY DISCUSSING LOCAL POLITICAL RESPONSES TO THE SHIFTING GEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL-LOCAL RELATIONS.

In early 2017, higher education leaders in many states confronted challenging policy environments due to the return of sizable state budget deficits. While much of the nations attention is fixated on Washington, with the inauguration and immediate actions of the president-elect, state-level elected officials are sworn in and renew their work on economic development, education, transportation, health care, and other traditional state-level policy issues. With a national slowdown in state tax revenues and many states facing budget gaps, governors and state legislators will explore solutions to balance holding the line on taxes and maintaining state investments. As a discretionary state budget item, higher education will be among lawmakers top targets to balance state budgets. ; American Association of State Colleges and Universities (AASCU)

The present study covered two different social institutions of Pakistan's society and their effects on the media and government relations, i.e., politics and economy. The study included problems in polity and its effects on media-government relations; the economic developments and impasses and their possible consequences and effects on media-government relations. The research was qualitative quantitative in nature and descriptive method is employed to conduct the research. The findings were that the government of previous regime had a weak structure, and the functioning of the institutes was inefficient too. The relation of the government with the media, was interest based as media's practicality depends on its economy and the economy comes in the forms of advertisements. Media's effect is great and cannot be ignored; it shapes up the public opinion. The research recommends that the use of better technology should be introduced at cheaper rates for objective reporting. Key Words: Media-government, Economy, Politics, Pakistan, Structural- Functionalist.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Preface to the 1981 Publication -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- PART I: CONTROL AND POWER IN CENTRAL-LOCAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS -- 1 Introduction -- The context of intergovernmental relations: some theoretical issues -- Summary of Part I -- 2 Some Myths in Central-Local Relations -- The 'conventional wisdom' -- The 'conventional critique' -- The 'conventional critique' revisited -- Some recent developments -- The 'forgotten dimensions' of central-local relations -- Conclusions: the rationality of ambiguous confusion? -- 3 Interorganizational Analysis -- Introduction -- The nature of the environment -- The unit of analysis -- Organizational goals -- Power and exchange -- Consequences -- Conclusions -- 4 Intergovernmental Relations -- Introduction -- From federalism to intergovernmental relations -- Bargaining, diplomacy and 'topocrats' -- Conclusions -- 5 A Framework for Analysis -- Introduction -- Figure: the analysis of interactions -- Ground: the distribution of power, rules, interests and values -- Concluding discussion: the rationality of ambiguous confusion -- PART II: FROM INSTITUTIONS, TO POLICY, TO INDIVIDUALS -- 6 'Power-Dependence' Theories of Central-Local Relations: a Critical Assessment -- Introduction -- A critical appraisal -- Towards a theoretical reconstruction -- Conclusions: what has been achieved? -- 7 New Directions in the Study of Policy Networks -- Introduction -- A typology of policy networks -- Key issues -- Conclusions: new directions -- 8 Analysing Networks: from Typologies of Institutions to Narratives of Beliefs -- Introduction -- Developments in the study of policy networks -- Deconstructing networks -- Reconstructing networks -- Conclusions -- References -- Subject Index -- Also by R.A.W. Rhodes

Due to its endurance, the Mexican political system is a highly interesting case study. This article analyzes the relations between the government and the ruling party, the well-known Institutional Revolutionary Party. Among other issues, it examines the patterns of recruitment, the clientelistic networks, and the decision-making processes. The study concludes with a series of observations on the future of the relations between the government and the ruling party in Mexico.

This article investigates the applicability of Western models of business-government relations to the postcommunist context. Given the absence of a business-government relationship over the forty years of communism, it seems perfectly plausible that postcommunist countries should produce a historically unprecedented form of business-government relations and a new type of capitalist democracy. On the other hand, these countries have for several years been unequivocally regarded as capitalist democracies so it also seems possible that a literature developed for Western capitalist democracies should be useful in the postcommunist context. This article argues that, in spite of their assertions to the contrary, postcommunist studies propose no new concepts or variables for the study of business-government relations. Moreover, a detailed case study of Poland demonstrates the applicability of Western models to a postcommunist context. The confrontation between Western models and postcommunist data does not "stretch" the models but, in some important respects, actually clarifies them.

There is a tendency in the literature on business‐government relations in Canada to divide the post‐war era into two periods: that of elite accommodation comprising the 1950s and 1960s, and that of "mutual misunderstanding" beginning in 1968. This article argues that before this periodization thesis is accepted, we must acknowledge that the nature of business‐government relations is such that they will often be tension‐filled. Expectations of continuous harmony are unrealistic. Moreover, at any one time relations between business and government will vary widely in terms of form, substance, and the degree of mutual understanding. The article outlines the content of the periodization thesis and draws on 102 interviews with federal public servants at a variety of ranks and in a number of departments to examine its basic tenets. This research indicates that, contrary to the periodization thesis, relations between business persons and bureaucrats are close and often characterized by a sense of mutual dependency. Many bureaucrats depend heavily on business for the information needed to do their jobs, and very few are willing to undertake changes to existing policy without business support. Differences do exist among bureaucrats and the final section of the article identifies three policy types and outlines the style and form of business‐government relationships that bureaucrats in regulatory, distributional, and state management bureaus maintain. The article concludes with some general observations about business and government in advanced capitalist systems, drawing particular attention to the contradictory responsibilities of the state in these systems and arguing that those few expressions of state autonomy detected in the research are entirely in keeping with the nature of the state in capitalist systems.RésuméIl existe une tendance dans les textes qui traitent des relations entre l'Etat et le secteur privé au Canada de diviser l'après‐guerre en deux périodes; la période d'ac‐commodation de l'élite au cours des années 50 et 60 et la période de "méscntente mutuelle" qui a commencé en 1968. Cet article revendique qu'avant d'accepter cette thèse des périodes, nous devons accepter que la nature des relations entre le secteur privé et le secteur public rend inévitables les tensions. Des attentes d'harmonie continuelle ne sont pas réalistes. De plus, selon le moment, ces relations varient selon leur forme, leur contenu ct le degré d'entente mutuelle. Le présent article décrit le contenu de la thèse des périodes et utilise 102 entrevues effectuécs auprès des fonctionnaires fédéraux de différents niveaux et affectés à des services divers pour en examiner les fondements. Cette recherche indique que, contrairement à la thèse des périodes, les relations entre les hommes d'affaires et les bureaucrates sont étroites et souvent caractérisées par un sentiment de dépendance mutuelle. Plusieurs bureaucrates dépendent du secteur privé pour obtenir les renseignements nécessaires pour faire leur travail et très peu d'entre eux sont prêts à opérer des changements dans les politiques existantes sans l'appui du secteur privé. Il existe toutefois des différences chez les bureaucrates et la dernière portion de l'article identific trois types de politiques et décrit le style de rapports entre l' Etat et le secteur privé que maintiennent les bureaucrates dans les agences de réglementation, de distribution et de gestion gouvernmentale.L'article se termine sur des observations générales concernant le secteur privé et le gouvernement dans un système capitaliste, et porte une attention particulière sur les responsabilités contradictoires de l'Etat dans un tel système et note que les quelques expressions d'autonomie de la part de l'Etat décelées dans la recherche correspondent entièrement à la nature de l'Etat dans un système capitaliste.

Even if the role of unions is less than it was, they are still an important aspect of civil society in a democracy like the UK, so that changes in the relationship between the TUC and the government are an important aspect of changing patterns of governance in the UK. Here, we analyse this relationship during the period between 1974 and 2002 based upon the reports of the General Council of the TUC to each TUC Annual Conference. The analysis shows that the contacts between the TUC and government have fluctuated significantly over this period. They did decline in the Thatcher years although, interestingly, contacts were greater under Thatcher than under Major. The election of a New Labour government in 1997 was accompanied by an initial increase in contacts, but contacts declined subsequently. These fluctuations clearly reflect policy changes so, for example, contacts decreased when incomes policies became a thing of the past. However, they also reflected changes of personnel in government; so the replacement of Pym by Tebbit in 1982 was quickly followed by a fall in contacts. As far as New Labour is concerned, their historical links with the trade unions still mean that contacts are greater now than they were under the Conservatives. However, the initial surge in contacts probably reflected a broader pattern, with New Labour delivering on a promise of greater consultation made in opposition.

AbstractAll over the world, we see trends of increasing interaction between governments and the third sector. Is this the "start of a beautiful friendship" or are they already "too close for comfort"? This article argues that the nature of these complex relationships is poorly understood and often simplified. It proposes a four‐C framework based on institutional interests and preferences for policy ends and means—cooperation in the case of similar ends and similar means, confrontation in the case of dissimilar ends and dissimilar means, complementarity in the case of similar ends but dissimilar means, and co‐optation in the case of dissimilar ends but similar means.