Suchergebnisse

Das muslimische Subjekt ist begehrt – als Gegenstand zahlreicher Mediendarstellungen und (populär-)wissenschaftlicher Publikationen ebenso wie als Akteur im Feld deutscher Sicherheits- und Integrationspolitik. Doch wo kommt dieses Subjekt so plötzlich her, was macht es aus und wo gehört es eigentlich hin? Mit einem kritischen, an Michel Foucaults Gouvernementalitätskonzept respektive Judith Butlers Subjektivationstheorie geschärften Blick gehen der Soziologe und Politikwissenschaftler Levent Tezcan und die Islamwissenschaftlerin Riem Spielhaus diesen Fragen jeweils nach. Während Tezcan in seiner 2012 erschienenen essayistischen Abhandlung Das muslimische Subjekt. Verfangen im Dialog der Deutschen Islam Konferenz die gegenwärtige deutsche Islampolitik in ihrer Form eines gouvernementalen 'Kulturdialogs' als strategische Bevölkerungspolitik herausstellt, fokussiert Spielhaus in ihrer 2011 veröffentlichten empirischen Studie Wer ist hier Muslim? Die Entwicklung eines islamischen Bewusstseins in Deutschland zwischen Selbstidentifikation und Fremdzuschreibung die Ambivalenzen, die in dem Prozess muslimischer Subjektivierung und Vergemeinschaftung hervortreten. ; The Muslim subject is much in demand – as a topic of numerous media representations and (popular) scientific publications as well as a protagonist in the field of German security and integration policy. But where is this subject coming from so abruptly, what are its characteristics, and where does it actually belong? With a critical eye, sharpened on Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality and Judith Butler's theory of subjectivation, respectively, the sociologist and political scientist Levent Tezcan and the Islamic studies scholar Riem Spielhaus each pursue these questions. While Tezcan, in his essayistic piece of 2012, Das muslimische Subjekt. Verfangen im Dialog der Deutschen Islam Konferenz exposes the current German Islam policy – in its form of a governmental 'Cultural Dialogue' – as a strategic population policy, Spielhaus' empirical study Wer ist hier Muslim? Die Entwicklung eines islamischen Bewusstseins in Deutschland zwischen Selbstidentifikation und Fremdzuschreibung – published in 2011 – focuses on the ambivalences emerging in the process of Muslim subjectivation and collectivization.

Este artículo analiza la relación entre socialización universitaria y prácticas profesionales de los sociólogos en Argentina desde la vuelta de la democracia. Por un lado, examina las orientaciones y formas de entender la disciplina transmitidas por la Carrera de Sociología de la UBA y, por el otro, reconstruye los principales cambios ocurridos en el mercado de trabajo. A partir del examen de la noción de autonomía (y su par opuesto, la heteronomía), se propone mostrar que las prácticas profesionales de los sociólogos están fuertemente condicionadas por el conjunto de esquemas de percepción y clasificación incorporados durante la socialización universitaria. Esos esquemas, en la medida en que operan a partir de una serie de oposiciones, contribuyen a la producción de un conjunto de "oficios" o modos de practicar la sociología claramente diferenciados según el área o esfera de inserción. ; Fil: Blois, Juan Pedro. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento. Instituto de Ciencias. Area Sociología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

From the standpoint of the relation between theory and practice, this work address the relation established by De Zan between the dialectical method and a form of praxis which, from the framework of the classic strategic thought, we defined as militarism. This work try to highlight the intellectual procedure through which theoretical-practical equivalences are established among the dialectical method and the militarism and how this intellectual procedure underpin a critic against the Marxism. As conclusion we present a critical argument in order to question the linkage established by De Zan and we value the particular content that the notion of heteronomy take from the perspective of the philosophy of liberation. ; Desde el enfoque de la relación entre teoría y práctica, este trabajo trata de la relación que establece Julio De Zan entre el método dialéctico y una forma de praxis política que, desde el marco conceptual del pensamiento estratégico clásico, definimos como militarismo. A lo largo del trabajo se intenta dar cuenta de la operación intelectual por medio de la cual se establecen equivalencias teórico-prácticas entre la dialéctica y el militarismo y cómo esta operación intelectual fundamenta una crítica al marxismo. Cómo conclusión presentamos un argumento crítico con el fin de problematizar la relación establecida por De Zan y rescatamos el contenido particular que el concepto de heteronomía adquiere desde la perspectiva de la filosofía de la liberación. ; Do ponto de vista da relação entre teoria e prática, este trabalho aborda a relação estabelecida por De Zan entre o método dialéctico e uma forma de praxis que, no quadro do pensamento estratégico clássico, definimos como militarismo. Este trabalho tenta destacar o procedimento intelectual através do qual são estabelecidas equivalências teórico-práticas entre o método dialéctico e o militarismo e como este procedimento intelectual sustenta uma crítica contra o marxismo. Como conclusão, apresentamos um argumento crítico a fim de questionar a ligação estabelecida por De Zan e valorizamos o conteúdo particular que a noção de heteronomia toma da perspectiva da filosofia da libertação.

Based on the critical analysis of diverse documentary sources, particularly executive decisions and proceedings, this article analyzes the performance of the National Inter-university Council (CIN for its Spanish acronym) in the period 1990-1999. It examines the role of the rectors in the Protocol of the University Concertation; the Commission of Concertation of the State Universities with the National Executive Power; the agreement with the Bureau of University Policies in relation with the Higher Education Law and the involvement of the CIN in the implementation of the main governmental programs of the period. It addresses this process as a form of "concerted heteronomy", in the sense that, on the one hand, intense and asymmetric government policies were promoted from the outside of the university field,but, at the same time, the central core of these policies were discussed and negotiated with the Rectors nucleated in the CIN, these agents intervening actively in the implementation of said policies. ; A partir del análisis crítico de diversas fuentes documentales, en especial sus normativas y actas de funcionamiento, el presente artículo analiza la actuación del Consejo Interuniversitario Nacional (CIN) en el período 1990- 1999. Examina el papel de los rectores en el Protocolo de la Concertación Universitaria; la Comisión de Concertación de las Universidades Estatales con el Poder Ejecutivo Nacional; el acuerdo celebrado con la Secretaría de Políticas Universitarias en 1993 respecto a la Ley de Educación Superior y elinvolucramiento del CIN en la implementación de los principales programas gubernamentales de la etapa. Se procura demostrar que en esta etapa se desplegó un proceso de "heteronomía concertada", en el sentido que, por un lado, se impulsaron intensas y asimétricas políticas gubernamentales sobre el campo universitario, pero, al mismo tiempo, el núcleo central de dichas políticas fueron concertadas con los rectores nucleados en el CIN, siendo estos agentes activos en la implementación de estas.

Im Detail werden die Entwicklungen, Veränderungen, Tendenzen und Strukturen der rumänischen Geschichtswissenschaft beschrieben und Prognosen für die Zukunft aufgestellt. Mittels eines wissenschaftssoziologischen Ansatzes wurden quantitative Analysen anhand des Publikationsindikators (Wissensproduktion) und anhand von persönlichen Daten promovierter Historiker (kollektive Biographie) angewandt. Die Ergebnisse zeigten die Tendenz einer zunehmenden Professionalisierung, eines exponentiellen Wachstums der Veröffentlichungen und einer Polarisierung bzw. tendenziellen Monopolisierung des Publikationsmarktes durch hoch- und extremproduktive Autoren; die zunehmende Stabilisierung des Wissenschaftspersonals ließ für die nächsten Jahre eine Beibehaltung der Strukturen und Tendenzen erwarten; Chancen für jüngere Historiker bleiben stark eingeschränkt, wissenschaftliche Innovationen bleiben aus oder sind selten. Die Befunde zeigten weiter, wie die politische Interdependenz zwischen Gesellschaft und Geschichtswissenschaft die Prinzipien wissenschaftlicher Promotion sowie Entwicklung und Struktur von Publikationen beeinflußten. Gleichzeitig konnte ein autonomer Wandlungsprozeß der Geschichtswissenschaft erkannt werden, der durch einen interdisziplinären Charakter und Nonkonformität mit dem gegenwärtigen Promotionssystem gekennzeichnet ist. Die von den Autoren ausgearbeiteten methodischen Ansätze können als allgemeiner Rahmen eines Analysemodells für die Verhältnisse innerhalb der Geschichtswissenschaft anderer Länder betrachtet werden. (HRS)

En el presente artículo propongo una aproximación a la noción de exilio domiciliario. Planteo la expresión claramente como un oxímoron y a fin de llamar la atención sobre una experiencia muy común en nuestro tiempo y en diversos lugares del planeta: la de perder la tierra bajo los pies. Pensada desde la ética heterónoma, con ayuda de la poesía, esta noción intenta desentrañar algunos hilos que componen aquella experiencia donde la negación de la alteridad -propia de la mentalidad colonial en su etapa neoliberal- da lugar a la expropiación de territorio de las llamadas "minorías" bajo la forma política de una inclusión-excluyente cobijada en la figura del estado nacional. La resistencia a este embate se da, entre otras formas, desde la ética heterónoma, con la palabra poética y una reflexión teológico-política que plantea otros rostros del exilio. ; In this article I propose an approach to the concept of exile at home. The expression is clearly an oxymoron and attempts to shed some light on a very common experience in different parts of the world nowadays: losing the earth under the feet. Deriving from heteronomous ethics, with the help of poetry, this notion attempts to understand some of the components of this experience in which denial of alterity - typical of a colonial mentality in its neoliberal stage - opens the gate for "minorities" territory expropriation. This is done with the political form of an "excluding-inclusion" fostered by the Nation-State. Resistance to this attack in this case, takes the form of heteronomous ethics, poetic expression, and theological-political thought that depict other faces of exile.

This article will mostly engage with arts leadership through a discussion that focuses on the arts, leadership and education, and how their convergence might have a direct impact on autonomy. Taking a meta-theoretical approach, the main argument is that arts leadership is an asymptotic state of affairs. Rather than pose art and leadership as antithetical events that necessitate forms of syntheses through identifiable contexts, the context for arts leadership represents a contiguous space where art and leadership continuously seek a mutual way of preserving their integrity in an asymptotic relationship. If this relationship turns into a synthesis, both art's autonomy and the ability to lead creatively are neutralized. The aim is to question the various implications that bring together the autonomous spheres of the arts, education and leadership, while inviting the reader to draw his or her own conclusions critically and autonomously. To clarify this approach, this article straddles across several horizons, including: arts practice as a sphere of autonomous dispositions and the political implications that follow; education as a horizon that educes - leads out - through the pedagogical exits that are offered by the arts; and art's anti-systemic pedagogy, where art's autonomy becomes a possibility of unlearning systems.

A comienzos de los años 1990, las Fuerzas Armadas Argentinas tenían institutos universitarios que, además de ofrecer la tradicional formación básica y perfeccionamiento para sus oficiales, promovieron estudios para civiles y militares. A partir de una revisión de las principales recomendaciones de los pares evaluadores de la CONEAU en los procesos de evaluación institucional de los Institutos Universitarios de las Fuerzas Armadas, analizaremos las continuidades y cambios en el sistema de educación militar y sus grados de autonomía y heteronomía como resultado de su participación en esos procesos. ; At the beginning of the 1990s, the Argentine Armed Forces had university institutes that, in addition to the traditional basic training and further education for its officers, promoted studies for civil and military personnel. Based on a review of the main recommendations of CONEAU´s evaluators in processes of institutional evaluation in University Institutes of the Armed Forces, we will analyze the continuities and changes in the military education system and their degrees of autonomy and heteronomy as a result of their participation in the process. ; No início da década de 1990, as Forças Armadas argentinas tiveram institutos universitários que, além de oferecer a formação básica tradicional e o aperfeiçoamento para seus oficiais, promoveram estudos para civis e militares. A partir de uma revisão das principais recomendações dos pares avaliadores da CONEAU em processos de avaliação institucional dos Institutos Universitários das Forças Armadas, analisaremos as continuidades e mudanças no sistema de educação militar e do seu grau de autonomia e heteronomia como resultado de sua participação nestes processos. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

In this study we analyse the social base of authoritarian and nationalist (AN) parties in the European Union grounded on a theory that articulates social and cultural dimensions. We aim to characterize and understand this electorate, and explain its increase, considering their social class, education, income, social orientations, human values, and attitudes towards immigrants, and looking upon the trajectory of inequalities. Data is from the European Social Survey and contextual national level information on economic and educational inequalities, and on social mobility. We find that AN parties voters are mostly industrial and agricultural workers, with very low educational resources and low income. They are characterized by the social orientation of heteronomy, a paradigmatic conformist disposition combining conformity with inequality and conformity with hetero-determination of one's social position, here defined by a low score of the human values of equality and creativity. Heteronomy helps to understand a wide range of AN cultural traits of this population such as their exclusionary attitude towards immigrants. And we verify that the expansion of this electorate follows increasing inequality, mainly in education, as well as downward mobility, and social exclusion. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article emerges from the FONDART creation project, entitled "Retrarelatos de un parto olvidado", which developed as an experience of research and artistic creation for the recognition of female motherhood, which explored and made visible how 48 women live their experiences of childbirth. From the analysis of the stories, it is observed that births are experienced as multisituational situations. The difficulties, subordination and heteronomy of childbirth stand out, as well as the fears inherited from the physiological process and the environment of the process. All these factors make mothers subordinate themselves to the system in a consensual or dissenting way, where they accept the given reality or question it, after a reflective process about their childbirth experience. It proposes a view of humanized childbirth that relieves the care and agency of mothers, so that they are active and make of this a political act that relieves their place in history and patriarchal culture. ; El presente artículo surge del proyecto de creación FONDART, titulado "Retrarelatos de un parto olvidado", el cual se desarrolló como experiencia de investigación y creación artística para el reconocimiento de la maternidad femenina, que exploró y visibilizó cómo 48 mujeres viven sus experiencias del parto. A partir del análisis de los relatos se observa que los partos son vividos como situaciones multisituacionales. Destacan las dificultades, subordinación y heteronomía del parto, como también los miedos heredados al proceso fisiológico y al entorno del proceso. Todos estos factores hacen que las madres se subordinen al sistema de forma consentida o disentida, donde aceptan la realidad dada o la cuestionan, luego de un proceso reflexivo sobre su experiencia del parto. Se propone una mirada del parto humanizado que releve el cuidado y el agenciamiento de las madres, para que sean activas y hagan de éste un acto político que releve su lugar en la historia y la cultura patriarcal.

In this study we analyse the social base of authoritarian and nationalist (AN) parties in the European Union grounded on a theory that articulates social and cultural dimensions. We aim to characterize and understand this electorate, and explain its increase, considering their social class, education, income, social orientations, human values, and attitudes towards immigrants, and looking upon the trajectory of inequalities. Data is from the European Social Survey and contextual national level information on economic and educational inequalities, and on social mobility. We find that AN parties voters are mostly industrial and agricultural workers, with very low educational resources and low income. They are characterized by the social orientation of heteronomy, a paradigmatic conformist disposition combining conformity with inequality and conformity with hetero-determination of one's social position, here defined by a low score of the human values of equality and creativity. Heteronomy helps to understand a wide range of AN cultural traits of this population such as their exclusionary attitude towards immigrants. And we verify that the expansion of this electorate follows increasing inequality, mainly in education, as well as downward mobility, and social exclusion. ; En este estudio se analiza la base social de los partidos autoritarios y nacionalistas (AN) en Unión Europea a partir de una teoría que articula dimensiones sociales y culturales. Se pretende caracterizar y comprender estos electores, y explicar su crecimiento, considerando su clase social, educación, rendimiento, orientaciones sociales, valores humanos, y actitudes respecto a los inmigrantes, y observando las trayectorias de las desigualdades. Los datos son de European Social Survey y de información contextual al nivel nacional sobre desigualdades económicas y educativas, y sobre movilidad social. Se observa que los votantes de los partidos AN son sobretodo obreros y trabajadores agrícolas, de muy baja escolaridad, y bajo rendimiento. Se ...

In this article, the author evaluates whether Rawls rightly believed that his theory of justice could be interpreted as Kantian. Rawls' Kantianism is primarily treated as the general ethical foundation of his theory of justice. Providing insight into the debate conducted on Kantian's interpretation in the 1970s and early 1980s, the author explains the first doubts about Rawls' Kantianism, and how Rawls' defenders subsequently responded to them. At the center of the debate was the question of whether Rawls' principles of justice were essentially the fruit of heteronomous rather than autonomous motivation, and whether they could be treated as "categorical imperatives." Noting the significant differences in the conception of moral motivation between Kant and Rawls, the author explains how and why Rawls' Kantianism is essential to the history of moral and political philosophy. Finally, the author suggests that Rawls' Kantianism should be treated more like Kantian inspiration rather than Kantian interpretation in a literal sense.

Argues that Andre Gorz has been largely misunderstood, misrepresented, & excoriated by British critics in contrast to his popularity & general positive reception on the continent. Attempts to redress this intellectual condition of Gorz' British rejection by confronting the most common misrepresentations of his writings including those of heteronomy & autonomy, definition of socialism & its relation to work & workers' emancipation, the status & compensation of the servant class, public & private welfare, & perspectives on capital, modernity, & historical materialism. Concludes by discussing Gorz' perspectives on time, workers' social labor & autonomous activity, & suggesting that much more can be done to rehabilitate the breadth & depth of Gorz' work. R. Rodriguez