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Front Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. Delaware County Before and at the Time of the Murder -- 2. The Sharpless Family -- 3. Samuel Johnson -- 4. The Murder -- 5. The Investigation -- 6. The Arrest -- 7. The Trial -- 8. The Verdict -- 9. Appeals and Petitions -- 10. Other Suspects -- 11. From Death to Life -- 12. Ten Years, Six Months, Nine Days -- 13. Her Beloved Husband -- Sources -- About the Author.

Cet article étudie le fonctionnement du marché matrimonial en ville, à partir de l'exemple de Bilbao. Située au nord de la péninsule Ibérique, Bilbao est pendant l'Ancien Régime une petite cité commerçante ; elle se transforme à la fin du XIXe siècle en une grande ville industrielle. Dans chaque type de société, le marché matrimonial est affecté non seulement par des facteurs démographiques au sens strict, mais encore par des facteurs socioéconomiques. Les effets sont toutefois particulièrement sensibles dans une ville qui change radicalement d'activités et de configuration sociale -et qui, par dessus-tout, accueille une masse considérable de migrants. En se fondant sur deux sources différentes mais complémentaires -les listes municipales d'habitants (en 1825, 1900 et 1935) et les registres civils des mariages (en 1885, 1900, 1920 et 1935) -, cette étude tente de cerner ces questions centrales qui touchent à l'entrée d'une ville dans la modernité.

Wealth micro‐data from records probated by the Thunder Bay District Surrogate Court for 1885–1920 are examined. These data span the Canadian wheat boom era and find a break in wealth accumulation over the period 1900–1914. A bust follows the boom and real wealth during 1915–1920 is approximately 75% lower than 1910–1914. Regression results show the key determinants of wealth in the region to be time period variables, gender, literacy, occupation, marital status, and number of children. The boom had no long‐term impact on individual wealth levels in the Thunder Bay District.

Abstract
Considered a musical monument to the Austro- Hungarian Empire – The Gypsy Baron (originally Der Zigeunerbaron) of 1885 composed by Johann Strauss II (1825-1899) reveals how important position Maria Theresia had in the Empire in the long nineteenth century. It is also a great example of keeping, in Vienna at the end of the nineteenth century, hold of the memory of her politics. The Gypsy Baron is clearly the work inscribed into political situation as it constituted a specific response to a concrete need to stimulate civil attitudes (so desired within the Empire at that time). Treating the Gypsy Baron as a case study, the paper suggests that although the world of operetta might be overlooked or underestimated when discussing the role of political propaganda and the issues of collective memory. It should be recognized as one of the key sites employed to promote the Habsburgs' vision of their Empire.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contributors -- Part I: The Long First Century of a Nascent Republic -- Chapter 1: Teaching Political Economy in the Awakening of a Modern Republic: Colombia 1825-1885 -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Political Economy as Civic Education in Universities -- 1.2.1 Public Debates on Bentham and Destutt de Tracy's Books -- 1.2.2 Public Consensus on Say's Books -- 1.3 Courses, Professors, and Institutions -- 1.4 The Conservative Repression -- 1.5 Concluding Remarks -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Revolutionaries, Conservatives, and Reformists: The Political Economy of Debasement and Recoinage in New Granada 1780-1821 -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Mechanics of Late Colonial Mintage -- 2.3 Late Colonial Monetary Landscape -- 2.4 Viceregal Money Doctors -- 2.5 Transforming the Monetary Landscape -- 2.6 Monetary Ideas in the Context of Revolution and Counterrevolution -- 2.7 Recoinage and Sovereignty -- 2.8 Final Remarks -- Archival Sources -- Newspapers -- Printed Sources -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Rhetoric and Practice: Protectionism and Free Trade in the Second Half of the 19th Century -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 1845-1863: Between Self-education, Travel, and Opinion Forming -- 3.3 1864-1885: Greater Definition of Concepts, Expansion of the Ideological Spectrum, and Development of Pedagogy -- 3.4 1886-1900: From Moderate Interventionism to Protection Policy -- 3.5 An Approach to the Legislative Debate -- 3.6 Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 4: The Role of Economic Thought in the Administration of Justice in Colombia in the Second Half of the 19th Century -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 The rise of rationalism in criminal law: Beccaria and Bentham.

The Abolition of the Slave Trade in Southeastern Nigeria, 1885-1950 , is a history of the campaign waged by Great Britain in colonial Nigeria from approximately 1885 on, to abolish the internal slave trade in the Bight of Biafra and its hinterland, a region also known as Eastern Nigeria, Southeastern Nigeria, the Eastern Provinces, or the trans-Niger Provinces. It treats the internal slave trade and the war against it in this region and period as themes separate from the institution of slavery in the same area and the campaign to root it out generally known as emancipation. For this reason, and because slavery and the effort at emancipation have received more attention from scholars, this work concentrates entirely on that aspect of the slave trade and its fortunes under British colonial rule commonly known as abolition. In reconstructing the story of this important and protracted campaign, Adiele Afigbo sheds light on a dark corner of social history that has largely been neglected by historians. Adiele Afigbo is Professor in the Department of History and International Relations at Ebonyi State University, Nigeria

This historiographic essay gives an overview on the Age of Revolution in the American continent (1775-1825). The four processes here considered are the independence of the Thirteen Colonies, the Haitian Revolution, the independence movements in Spanish America and the political process that ended up in the independence of Brazil. Throughout the text, butmainly in the first section, the author debates with some of the interpretations that exist nowadays on these four movements,establishes some comparisons among them and, in the third and last section, questions the causality and connectivity that certain historiography, atlantic and global, has been positing during approximately the last fi?een years (mainly from universities in England and the United States). ; Este ensayo historiográfico proporciona una visión panorámica sobre la Era de las revoluciones en el continente americano (1775-1825). Los cuatro procesos considerados aquí son la revolución de independencia de las Trece Colonias, la Revolución Haitiana, los movimientos independentistas hispanoamericanos y el proceso político que desembocó en la independencia brasileña. A lo largo del texto, pero sobre todo en el primer apartado, el autor debate con algunas de las interpretaciones que existen actualmente sobre estos cuatro movimientos, establece algunas comparaciones entre ellos y, en el apartado tercero y final, cuestiona la causalidad y la conectividad que cierta historiografía, atlántica y global, plantea a menudo desde hace unos tres lustros (sobre todo desde universidades inglesas y estadunidenses).

Before turning to consider the views of several of the leading writers who have discussed the theory and practice of the most-favored-nation clause, it will he well to get clearly in mind certain circumstances which have attended its use in different periods. A knowledge of the time when a treaty was made will be found to be absolutely essential in many cases if we wish to arrive at a proper interpretation of some of its clauses.In the first place, and of primary importance, most-favored-nation treatment has now, and had in the eighteenth century, a different meaning in European policy from that which attached to it between 1825 and 1860. While European countries now give the clause a form and an interpretation corresponding approximately to that in vogue in the eighteenth century, the universalizing of favors, which, through the intricacy of modern treaty systems, that old form might be expected to entail, is largely modified by the mechanism of modern tariff policy.

"When American forces arrived in Vietnam, they found themselves embedded in historic village and frontier spaces already shaped by many past conflicts. American bases and bombing targets followed spatial and political logics influenced by the footprints of past wars in central Vietnam. The militarized landscapes here, like many in the world's historic conflict zones, continue to shape post-war land-use politics. Footprints of War traces the long history of conflict-produced spaces in Vietnam, beginning with early modern wars and the French colonial invasion in 1885 and continuing through the collapse of the Saigon government in 1975. The result is a richly textured history of militarized landscapes that reveals the spatial logic of key battles such as the Tet Offensive. Drawing on extensive archival work and years of interviews and fieldwork in the hills and villages around the city of Hue to illuminate war's footprints, David Biggs also integrates historical Geographic Information Systems (GIS) data, using aerial, high-altitude, and satellite imagery to render otherwise placeless sites into living, multidimensional spaces. This personal and multilayered approach yields an innovative history of the lasting traces of war in Vietnam and a model for understanding other militarized landscapes." ; The National Endowment for the Humanities' Fellowships Open Book Program

"When American forces arrived in Vietnam, they found themselves embedded in historic village and frontier spaces already shaped by many past conflicts. American bases and bombing targets followed spatial and political logics influenced by the footprints of past wars in central Vietnam. The militarized landscapes here, like many in the world's historic conflict zones, continue to shape post-war land-use politics. Footprints of War traces the long history of conflict-produced spaces in Vietnam, beginning with early modern wars and the French colonial invasion in 1885 and continuing through the collapse of the Saigon government in 1975. The result is a richly textured history of militarized landscapes that reveals the spatial logic of key battles such as the Tet Offensive. Drawing on extensive archival work and years of interviews and fieldwork in the hills and villages around the city of Hue to illuminate war's footprints, David Biggs also integrates historical Geographic Information Systems (GIS) data, using aerial, high-altitude, and satellite imagery to render otherwise placeless sites into living, multidimensional spaces. This personal and multilayered approach yields an innovative history of the lasting traces of war in Vietnam and a model for understanding other militarized landscapes." ; The National Endowment for the Humanities' Fellowships Open Book Program

"When American forces arrived in Vietnam, they found themselves embedded in historic village and frontier spaces already shaped by many past conflicts. American bases and bombing targets followed spatial and political logics influenced by the footprints of past wars in central Vietnam. The militarized landscapes here, like many in the world's historic conflict zones, continue to shape post-war land-use politics. Footprints of War traces the long history of conflict-produced spaces in Vietnam, beginning with early modern wars and the French colonial invasion in 1885 and continuing through the collapse of the Saigon government in 1975. The result is a richly textured history of militarized landscapes that reveals the spatial logic of key battles such as the Tet Offensive. Drawing on extensive archival work and years of interviews and fieldwork in the hills and villages around the city of Hue to illuminate war's footprints, David Biggs also integrates historical Geographic Information Systems (GIS) data, using aerial, high-altitude, and satellite imagery to render otherwise placeless sites into living, multidimensional spaces. This personal and multilayered approach yields an innovative history of the lasting traces of war in Vietnam and a model for understanding other militarized landscapes." ; The National Endowment for the Humanities' Fellowships Open Book Program

Hybrid Oncidium orchids, such as Oncidium Gower Ramsey and Oncidium "Honey Angel," are popular cut flowers in Japan and Taiwan. Due to pollen sterility, no new varieties have been created by conventional breeding methods. Recently, we employed RNA interference (RNAi) technology to suppress phytoene synthase and successfully modified floret hue from yellow to white (Liu et al. 2019). Transgenic white Oncidium orchids, Honey Snow MF-1, have been grown to test their genetic stability, and their environmental biosafety was assessed for approximately one year under government regulatory instructions from the Council of Agriculture, Taiwan. In the present study, pollen sterility was demonstrated by cytological observation of the microsporogenesis step, pollen morphology abortion, and failure of pollen germination. Assays on allelopathic effect on the other plants and the soil rhizospheric microbial flora-revealed that transgenic Oncidium orchids are potentially safe with regard to environmental biodiversity. Therefore, the general release permissions have been granted and an application for licensing for commercial production is under way.

This paper presents the latest developments of EU Commission Joint Research Centre platform TEMA (Transport tEchnology and Mobility Assessment). The platform relies on databases of vehicle driving patterns collected with navigation systems, and it is used since 2012 for supporting transport policy in the EU, exploring the effects of the deployment of electrified vehicles in terms of usability, energy requirements and infrastructural design. The results includes travel behaviour analyses of activity databases across fifteen countries in the EU in the provinces of: Modena and Firenze (IT), Amsterdam (NL), Brussels (BE), Luxembourg (LU), Paris (FR), Lisbon (PT), Krefeld (DE), Warsaw (PL), Bratislava (SK), Vienna (AT), Ljubljana (SI), Zagreb (HR), Budapest (HU), Sofia (BG), Athens (GR). The data accounts for 2.57 billion records, equivalent to approximately 139 million kilometres driven by 632,186 monitored vehicles. This work aims at being a first attempt for a continental scale pilot study of travel behaviour in the EU, showing the potential of big data to shape the next generation low-carbon transport policies.

From 1885 to 1921 UK politics were polarized around the question of parliamentary devolution for Ireland (Home Rule). Although the relevant Bills offered only a modest measure of devolution, a major argument against Home Rule was that it would have been incompatible with the survival of the British Empire and indeed of the UK, because sovereignty could not be divided. However, Home Rule supporters insisted that the proposal was in the Irish national interest. This claim was in itself divisive in Ireland, as well as within the UK as a whole, and set the South against Ulster, which by 1912 was (literally) up in arms against any idea of weakening or diluting the Union with Britain. By 1887 Liberals in both Scotland and (soon afterwards) in Wales started to campaign for their own form of Home Rule. Indian Liberals were the next to take up the issue, when Dadabhai Naoroji (1825-1917), the Indian Liberal Federation and eventually Congress started to demand Home Rule for the Raj. Ostensibly only an 'Irish' question, Home Rule was in fact the beginning of a wider debate about the governance of the UK and the tension between a centralized political system and the claims of ethnic groups and distinct regions in a multi-national state – a problem then shared by other multi-ethnic empires in Europe.

On occasion in the history of Canada personal interest and governmental procrastination in the remedying of grievances, either real or imaginary, have aroused and inflamed passions that resulted in violence and insurrection. In Upper and Lower Canada in 1837, the Red River Valley in 1870 and the prairie west in 1885 certain sections of our people, because of religious and social as well as political beliefs and prejudices with varying degrees of justification, or lack of it, have had resort to arms. A study of the second Riel insurrection clearly shows that more care on the part of those in authority and better judgment on the part of those aggrieved, or wiser leadership in their movement of protest, would have rendered unnecessary this last rebellion. The country affected by the regrettable insurrection of 1885 was the broad expanse of territory stretching from the boundaries of the old postage stamp province of Manitoba, west to the foothills of the Rockies, and extending north from the international boundary to the frozen regions of the arctic districts. At the time it was named the North West Territories but was commonly called The Saskatchewan. When the sparsely settled district of the Red River was created in 1870 into the province of Manitoba this wide Saskatchewan lay as a vast hinterland and was unpeopled except for approximately thirty thousand Indians, many groups of nomadic buffalo hunters who were mostly halfbreeds, the clergy at a few scattered missions, and a large number of Hudson Bay officials. The outward flow of immigration had not yet reached the prairie west.