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We examine whether two general dimensions of sociopolitical belief—right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO)—are rooted in insecure psychological attachment. Based on an undergraduate sample (N = 255), we model the relations among attachment styles, general worldviews, RWA, and SDO. A structural equation model indicated that anxious attachment led to RWA but not SDO and that this effect was mediated by the belief that the world is a dangerous place. In contrast, avoidant attachment led to SDO but not RWA, and this effect was mediated by the belief that the world is an uncaring, competitive jungle in which people are motivated to maximize personal utility. We discuss the implications of these findings for the nature and origins of political conservatism.

We analyze the election results of political parties and ideological blocs in parliamentary elections held in the Slovak Republic from 1998 to 2020 across 79 districts (LAU 1 level). Interestingly, correlations among parties' election results between consecutive elections are very high across all elections from 1998 until 2016, meaning that any increase or decrease in electoral support was almost uniform across all districts from one election to another. The last elections disrupted this trend, and in line with the significantly lower degree of correlation with prior elections for all ideological groups, we observe territorially heterogeneous voting behavior. Especially in districts with left-wing support, the electorate shifted toward what we refer to as ideologically vague parties. Within a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) framework, we show that systematic influence of economic variables on the election results is present only for right-wing parties. For other ideological blocs, age and population density appear to be more influential factors. The "economically rational" right-wing election camp, however, has exhibited a decline in electoral support.

This study encompasses two of the most important and intricate areas of concern regarding the US policy for South Asia. The first policy issue concerns the balancing of regional geopolitical equation among the three key players—Afghanistan, India and Pakistan. Through a qualitative analytical lens, it is argued here that an effective balancing of regional dynamics can only take place by eliminating the inherent contradiction in two of the current US policies in place—hyphenation and dehyphenation. Decompartmentalising India and Pakistan and viewing the regional geopolitics as an outcome of their mutual interaction could be the first step in simplifying the regional dynamics. The second policy concerns the rise of religious fundamentalism and the potential role of ideological factors. Two propositions are put forward. First, the study provides a potential mechanism based on supply and demand model to understand and accommodate political and ideological factors linked with the rise of violence. Second, in addressing whether and to what extent the USA should commit itself to the ideological warfare, the study provides one promising scenario based on the empirical findings drawn from one of the relatively successful cases of democracy and moderate Islam in the Muslim world.

Most scholarship on Supreme Court decision making assumes that justices' ideological preferences exhibit a uniform impact on their choices across a variety of situations. I develop a theoretical framework positing the importance of case-level context in shaping the magnitude of ideological voting on the Court. I hypothesize how issue-related factors influence this magnitude. I test the hypotheses using a multilevel modeling framework on data from the 1953-2004 terms. The results provide support for several of the hypotheses; issue salience, issue attention, the authority for the decision (statutory interpretation versus constitutionality of federal or state laws), intercourt conflict, the presence of a lower court dissent, and mandatory versus discretionary jurisdiction all significantly influence ideological voting. Overall, the article adds significant qualifications to extant theories of judicial decision making by showing how ideological voting on the Court is shaped by the varying situations that confront the justices from case to case.

Most scholarship on Supreme Court decision making assumes that justices' ideological preferences exhibit a uniform impact on their choices across a variety of situations. I develop a theoretical framework positing the importance of case-level context in shaping the magnitude of ideological voting on the Court. I hypothesize how issue-related factors influence this magnitude. I test the hypotheses using a multilevel modeling framework on data from the 1953-2004 terms. The results provide support for several of the hypotheses; issue salience, issue attention, the authority for the decision (statutory interpretation versus constitutionality of federal or state laws), intercourt conflict, the presence of a lower court dissent, and mandatory versus discretionary jurisdiction all significantly influence ideological voting. Overall, the article adds significant qualifications to extant theories of judicial decision making by showing how ideological voting on the Court is shaped by the varying situations that confront the justices from case to case. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

The United States wields disproportionate global influence in terms of carbon dioxide emissions and international climate policy. This makes it an especially important context in which to examine the interplay among social, psychological, and political factors in shaping attitudes and behaviors related to climate change. In this article, we review the emerging literature addressing the liberal-conservative divide in the U.S. with respect to thought, communication, and action concerning climate change. Because of its theoretical and practical significance, we focus on the motivational basis for skepticism and inaction on the part of some, including "top-down" institutional forces, such as corporate strategy, and "bottom-up" psychological factors, such as ego, group, and system justification. Although more research is needed to elucidate fully the social, cognitive, and motivational bases of environmental attitudes and behavior, a great deal has been learned in just a few years by focusing on specific ideological factors in addition to general psychological principles.

Russian & Chinese nat'l interests tend toward opposition. The Sino-Soviet alliance is wholly due to seizure of power by Chinese Communists, & to conflict with the same enemies. Econ, military, & diplomatic disparities have created a lopsided material dependence of Communist China on the USSR, resulting in divergent views on priorities within the alliance, & have caused them to disagree on proper strategy re the US, anti-imperialist revolutionary movements, & independent neutral powers. Among states governed by totalitarian, ideological parties, these disagreements have naturally assumed the form of diff interpretations of the common doctrine. Lacking other means of effective pressure on the Soviets, the Chinese have developed these diff's into a systematic challenge to Soviet ideological authority. A Soviet attempt to evade this challenge & to preserve unity on the basis of toleration of inevitable diff's & adjustment by compromise, has failed; both sides have recognized the inevitability of factional schism. They have built 2 rival Communist camps, with separate policies. Underlying opposition of nat'l interests is increasingly appearing, & doctrinal diff's are hardening. Though a serious attempt to return to policy coordination is unlikely, the formal bond of the alliance may well continue as reinsurance against the common enemy, so long as both countries are ruled by Communist party regimes. AA.

The self-made questionnaire was administered toa random sample of 1000 undergraduates, the result of dataanalysis shows that the "Mechanism model of influencingfactors on university students' 'Basic Course' gain" proposedin this paper can partly explain the influence of personal,family, school and social factors on college students' "BasicCourse" acquisition; The factors of family, school andsociety are the external factors which affect the students'sense of gain of"Basic Course", and the personal factors arethe internal factors which affect the students' sense of gain of"Basic Course"; External factors act through internal factors.Based on that, this paper puts forward some suggestions andcountermeasures to enhance the sense of gain of university students'"Basic courses".

Russian and Chinese national interests tend to ward opposition. The Sino-Soviet alliance is wholly due to seizure of power by Chinese Communists and to conflict with the same enemies. Economic, military, and diplomatic dis parities have created a lopsided material dependence of Com munist China on the Soviet Union, resulting in divergent views on priorities within the alliance, and have caused them to dis agree on proper strategy in relation to the United States, anti- imperialist revolutionary movements, and independent neutral powers. Among states governed by totalitarian, ideological parties, these disagreements have naturally assumed the form of different interpretations of the common doctrine. Lacking other means of effective pressure on the Soviets, the Chinese have developed these differences into a systematic challenge to Soviet ideological authority. A Soviet attempt to evade this challenge and to preserve unity on the basis of toleration of in evitable differences and adjustment by compromise has failed; both sides have recognized the inevitability of factional schism for some time. They have built two rival Communist camps with separate policies. Underlying opposition of national in terests is increasingly appearing, and doctrinal differences are hardening. Though a serious attempt to return to policy co ordination is unlikely, the formal bond of the alliance may well continue as reinsurance against the common enemy so long as both countries are ruled by Communist party regimes.

Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit den Beziehungen zwischen der Sozialistischen Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED) der DDR und der Sozialistischen Partei Islands (SEI) während des Kalten Krieges. Untersucht werden die strukturellen Grenzen der ideologischen Zusammenarbeit beider Parteien – Islands NATO-Mitgliedschaft und die US-Militärpräsenz – ebenso wie die Möglichkeiten der Zusammenarbeit, die sich vor allem während der Regierungsbeteiligung der SEI in den fünfziger Jahren entwickelte. Besondere Berücksichtigung findet Einar Olgeirsson, Vorsitzender der SEI von 1939 bis 1968, der entscheidend zur Entwicklung der politischen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Verbindungen zu SED und DDR beitrug. Es wird argumentiert, dass das Experiment transnationaler sozialistischer Solidarität zweier Parteien, die in radikal unterschiedlichen politischen Systemen verwurzelt waren, an Faktoren wie ideologischen Differenzen oder den politischen und wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungen in Island scheiterte. ; The article deals with the relationship between the East German Socialist Unity Party (SED) and the Icelandic Socialist Party (SEI) during the Cold War. It details the structural limitations of ideological cooperation between the two parties – Iceland's NATO membership and the U.S. military presence – as well as its possibilities, especially in the 1950s, through the governmental participation of the SEI. Special attention is devoted to the role played by Einar Olgeirsson, the chairman of the SEI 1939–1968, who was instrumental in forging and developing political, economic, and cultural ties with the SED and the German Democratic Republic. The article argues that this experiment in transnational solidarity between socialist parties from two radically different political systems failed in the end due to several factors, including ideological differences and the political and economic development in Iceland.