Suchergebnisse

A contradiction exists in the social construction of Indigenous populations in that the categories and contexts of postcolonial demography inevitably reflect social and economic institutions that frame the lives of the majority populations. Because such categories are rarely inclusive of Indigenous ways of being, key aspects of Indigenous sociality are either missing or misrepresented in official statistics. This paper examines the limitations of official statistics for social profiling of Indigenous people in Australia and New Zealand. Using case studies, it describes ways in which Indigenous polities are themselves responding to these limitations by generating their own demographic profiles and social indicators as a form of community governance. Attention is also given to the in official statistics might be "indigenized" in order to better meet the needs of Indigenous communities and organisations.

The article links the relatively weaker institutionalization of political party systems in certain Latin American countries to the size of the country's indigenous population in order to explain a statistically significant inverse empirical relationship between the two variables. It argues that elites in countries with proportionally significant indigenous populations in the early 20th century organized political parties to dominate subordinate groups in ways that were distinct from those employed by elites in countries with far smaller indigenous populations. The geographic isolation and cultural distinctiveness of such populations provided elites with unique tools for exclusion and domination that enabled them to stall the political participation of indigenous peoples until the late 1980s. A case study of Bolivia's political party system is used to illustrate the hypothesis and to show how indigenous peoples were finally able in the 1990s to enter the formal political system, suggesting that entrenched practices are susceptible to change in response to shifts in the underlying incentive structure.

AbstractIndigenous populations have experienced inequality of accessing mental health services compared with their non-Indigenous counterparts, although the way of measuring mental health service accessibility for Indigenous populations is unclear. This systematic review examines measures of mental health service accessibility for Indigenous people, including the diversity of mental health services that are available to them and the barriers to accessing mental healthcare. Using a systematic search procedure, we identified 27 studies that explored Indigenous populations' mental health service access. Our review shows that 18 studies used interview-based methods to explore how Indigenous people use mental health services, and only nine studies used quantitative methods to measure the uptake of mental health services. While advanced methods for quantifying geographical access to healthcare services are widely available, these methods have not been applied in the current literature to explore the potential access to mental health services by Indigenous populations. This is partially due to limited understanding of how Indigenous populations seek mental healthcare, barriers that prevent Indigenous people from accessing diverse types of mental health services, and scarcity of data that are available to researchers. Future research could focus on developing methods to support spatially explicit measuring of accessibility to mental health services for Indigenous populations.

This article explores the specifi city of the urbanization process in the native population of the Altai Republic and assesses its principal trends over the course of the years 1926–2020. The focus is on quantitative aspects such as the growth of urban settlements and their population. I look at the ways the urban network has developed in the Altai Mountains. The only urban administrative center shows a potential for agglomerative growth and continues to accumulate the rural population. Townships that had emerged during the Soviet period were unattractive for natives. Three stages in the urbanization process are described: 1926–1950s, 1960–1980s, and 1990 to the present. Over the entire period in question, urbanization was extensive, i.e. caused by migration from rural areas. At the fi rst stage, the key factor was political (collectivization). In the second stage, the factors were socio-cultural (attractiveness of urban lifestyle), economic (higher income and greater availability of jobs), and political (the abolition of "futureless" villages). The main factor at the third stage was socio-economic crisis. A conclusion is made that the potential for extensive urbanization in the native population of the Altai Republic has not yet been exhausted. The most attractive places to migrate are still the region's capital and its suburbs. However, migration to other cities of Russia is likely to rise. A prediction is made that the role of intensive factors of urbanization in the indigenous population of the Altai Republic will increase.

For decades, studies of oil-related conflicts have focused on the effects of natural resource mismanagement, with the attendant economic booms and busts, or clashes between rebels and ruling governments over hydrocarbon resources. In Oil Sparks in the Amazon, Patricia I. Vásquez writes that while oil busts and civil wars are common, the tension over oil in the Amazon has played out in ways inextricable from the region itself. Oil disputes in the Amazon primarily involve local indigenous populations. These groups' social and cultural identities differ from the rest of the population, and the diverse disputes over land, displacement, water contamination, jobs, and wealth distribution reflect those differences. Vásquez's conflict analyses, and her recommendations to resolve or prevent them, are based on fifteen years of travel to the oil-producing regions of Latin America, and hundreds of interviews with the stakeholders in local conflicts.

This article presents a case study of an exercise in Aboriginal community governance in Australia. It sets out the background events that led the Yawuru Native Title Holders Aboriginal Corporation in the town of Broome on Australia's northwest coast to secure information for its own needs as an act of self-determination and essential governance, and it presents some of the key findings from that exercise. As the Indigenous rights agenda shifts from the pursuit of restitution to the management and implementation of benefits, those with proprietary rights are finding it increasingly necessary to build internal capacity for post-native title governance and community planning, including in the area of information retrieval and application. As an incorporated land-holding group, the Yawuru people of Broome are amongst the first in Australia to move in this area of information gathering, certainly in terms of the degree of local control, participation, and conceptual thinking around the logistics and rationale for such an exercise. An innovative addition has been the incorporation of survey output data into a Geographic Information System to provide for spatial analysis and a decision support mechanism for local community planning. In launching and administering the "Knowing our Community" household survey in Broome, the Yawuru have set a precedent in the acquisition and application of demographic information for internal planning and community development in the post-native title determination era.

This chapter addresses China's Tibet policy and the claims made about it in relation to international legal standards and practices. At this critical time in a Sino-Tibetan dialogue that has gone on since 2002, a book on activating human rights and peace offers an excellent venue for China and the international community to evaluate various claims and policies and consider a path forward. China's claims about Tibet have provided a weak foundation for its policies. Emerging international standards concerning the human rights and political autonomy of indigenous ethnic populations may offer a more constructive path forward. Such standards may afford an agreeable alternative to the path of seeking independence that China fears. After the recent decision by the International Court of Justice in the Kosovo case upholding a right to declare independence Chinese anxieties about Tibetan intentions will only increase. Now may be the time for a policy change to pursue an autonomy model more likely to satisfy the Tibetan urge for self-rule in the Chinese context. ; published_or_final_version

Abstract Background High rates of obesity are a significant issue amongst Indigenous populations in many countries around the world. Media framing of issues can play a critical role in shaping public opinion and government policy. A broad range of media analyses have been conducted on various aspects of obesity, however media representation of Indigenous obesity remains unexplored. In this study we investigate how obesity in Australia's Indigenous population is represented in newsprint media coverage. Method Media articles published between 2007 and 2014 were analysed for the distribution and extent of coverage over time and across Indigenous and mainstream media sources using quantitative content analysis. Representation of the causes and solutions of Indigenous obesity and framing in text and image content was examined using qualitative framing analysis. Results Media coverage of Indigenous obesity was very limited with no clear trends in reporting over time or across sources. The single Indigenous media source was the second largest contributor to the media discourse of this issue. Structural causes/origins were most often cited and individual solutions were comparatively overrepresented. A range of frames were employed across the media sources. All images reinforced textual framing except for one article where the image depicted individual factors whereas the text referred to structural determinants. Conclusion This study provides a starting point for an important area of research that needs further investigation. The findings highlight the importance of alternative news media outlets, such as The Koori Mail, and that these should be developed to enhance the quality and diversity of media coverage. Media organisations can actively contribute to improving Indigenous health through raising awareness, evidence-based balanced reporting, and development of closer ties with Indigenous health workers.

The Macuxi is the largest tribe within the indigenous territory called Raposa-Serra do Sol in the Northeast corner of the state of Roraima. The Macuxi health situation started to deteriorate in the 1987 gold rush. Malaria spread rapidly through the pools of stagnant water created by mining techniques. In 1994, "Medecins Sans Frontieres" began an emergency program in the area. The success of the work of the Macuxi health team in Maturuca is evident in the decreasing rate of malaria in recent years. There is a medicinal garden beside the health post with many native plants. The Macuxi people have been able to combine Western medicine with their shamanic tradition. (Grassroots Dev/DÜI)