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This book contributes to understanding the political developments in Iraq between 2003 and 2014, through the lens of consociationalism, and contributes to understanding of why the Iraqi institutions, which were intended by the U.S. to have a broadly consociational character, have not looked and worked in that manner in practice.

في إطار التحول من النظام الشمولي الى نظام ديمقراطي تعددي في العراق بعد عام 2003، باتت إشكالية العلاقة بين التحول الديمقراطي والتنمية أكثر إلحاحا حيث انصب الجدل السياسي حول قدرة الديمقراطية والمشاركة المباشرة في دعم الملكية الوطنية لتخطيط التنمية واسهامها في عملية صنع السياسات الموجهة نحو الحلول الناجعة ،واستدامة الإصلاحات الاقتصادية التي من شأنها التوفيق بين المصالح والأولويات المتنافسة للأطراف السياسية من خلال الحوار والتوافق والعمل المشترك. وأثبتت الممارسة السياسية خلال العقدين المنصرمين أنّ أكبر التحديات امام مساهمة الديمقراطية في التنمية هو حالات ضعف الأداء الاقتصادي مع استمرار المشكلات الاقتصادية في النظام السياسية الجديد، الأمر الذي يتطلب العمل الجاد من أجل وضع وتعديل القوانين الاقتصادية لكي تتناسب وطبيعة النظام الديمقراطي، والعمل على تطوير وترسيخ العمل التشاركي ليسهم في تطوير البنية الاقتصادية لخلق أنموذج اقتصادي عراقي متعدد المصادر ليتجاوز سلبيات النظام الريعي القائم.

20. Yüzyılın başlarından itibaren uluslararası başat aktörlerin gündeminde yerini koruyan Irak toprakları, gerek siyasal yönden gerekse ekonomik yönden duyarlı bir mücadele merkezi olmuştur. Ortadoğu ve Irak bölgesinde var olan enerji kaynaklarının kontrolünü sağlamak için, Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra Batılı devletler egemenliklerini sürdürmek için etnik temelli Kürt politikasını geliştirmişlerdir. Irak coğrafyası; gerek etnik, din, mezhep gerekse kültür açısından farklılık göstermektedir. Irak yönetimi, tarih boyunca bu farklılıkları bir arada istikrarlı bir şekilde tutmaya çalışsa da başarıya ulaşamamıştır. Dolayısıyla tarihsel süreç içerisinde Irak'ta meydana gelen siyasi ve ekonomik gelişmelerin bugünkü federal bir yapı almasına yol açmıştır. Birinci Körfez Savaşı'yla birlikte fiili (de facto) bir yapı olarak ortaya çıkan kuzey Irak bölgesi, İkinci Körfez Savaş'ından sonra bu yapı Kuzey Irak Kürt Bölgesel Yönetimi olarak yasal bir zemine kavuşturulmuştur. Bu tez çalışmamız Irak işgalinden sonra bölgede oluşan boşluk itibariyle Türkiye'nin, IKBY ile geliştirdiği siyasi ve ekonomik ilişkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Üç bölümden oluşan çalışmamız; birinci bölümde Irak'ın coğrafi, etnik, dini, ekonomik, siyasi yapısı ve tarihsel süreci incelenecektir. İkinci bölümde, Irak kuzeyinin coğrafi, etnik, dini, ekonomik, siyasi yapısı ve tarihsel süreç içerisinde Kürtlerin durumu incelenecektir. Üçüncü bölümde ise, 2003 Irak işgalinden sonra Irak'ta yasal bir zemine kavuşan IKBY'nin, dönemsel olarak Türk dış politikasındaki siyasi ve ekonomik konumu incelenecektir. Bu İlişkiler güvenlik eksende başlayıp işbirliği ve yakınlaşma ekseninde devam ederken, IKBY'nin "bağımsızlık referandumu" kararı ile yeniden bozulan ilişkiler incelenecektir. ; The soils of Iraq which have always been on the agenda of main international actors since the beginning of the 20th century are always a delicate battle field from political and economic perspectives. After the World War I, the western states developed an ethnic based Kurdish policy in order to control the energy resources in Iraq and maintain their power on the ground. The geography of Iraq ethnical, religious, sectarian and cultural differences. Although the Iraqi government tried hard to keep these differences together consistently through the history, however, it did not accomplished achievement with this regard. Therefore, the political and economic developments which came into being in the historical process in Iraq led to the way to its federal structure of today. The Northern Iraq Region which was created de facto as a result of the first Gulf War became Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRGI), which had a legal ground, after the Second Gulf War. This thesis study focuses on the political and economic relations which Turkey developed with Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq as a result of the vacuum created as a consequence of the invasion of Iraq. This study consists of three chapters. The first chapter handles the geographical, ethnical, religious, economic, political structure of Iraq and its historical process. The second chapter handles geographical, ethnical, religious, economic, political structure Northern Iraq and the situation of Kurds in the historical process. The third chapter handles the political and economic position of Iraqi KRGI, which had a legal ground in Iraq- after Iraq was invaded in 2003- in Turkish foreign policy. These relations which began with security and continued with the parties' coming close together but spoiled with the KRGI's decision for "independence referendum" are handled.

This article examines one of the major foreign policy disasters of recent times: the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. It explores American policy in terms of the utopian attempt to create a perfect society in Iraq based on the American model. It will locate origins for American policy in Thomas More's text and argue that, 500 years after the original publication, utopianism plays a vital role in global politics. American neoconservatism originates in two waves of reaction against the authoritarian utopianism of the revolutionary left, the first one in the 1930s and the second one –that founded neoconservatism proper – in the 1960s. Turning to standard American imagery, the neoconservatives concluded that moral renewal was the only way to return to the utopian vision of America's founding fathers. It was thought that moral renewal within the USA could be encouraged by a strong foreign policy. The paper concludes is that utopias cannot be established through external force ; Este artículo examina uno de los principales desastres de política exterior de los últimos tiempos: la invasión estadounidense de Irak en 2003. Explora la política estadounidense en términos del intento utópico de crear una sociedad perfecta en Iraq, basada en el modelo estadounidense. Localiza los orígenes de la política americana en el texto de Tomás Moro y argumenta que, 500 años después de la publicación original, el utopismo juega un papel vital en la política global. El neoconservadurismo estadounidense se origina en dos oleadas de reacción contra el utopismo autoritario de la izquierda revolucionaria: el primero en la década de 1930 y el segundo –que fundó el neoconservadurismo propiamente dicho– en los años sesenta. Pasando a la imaginación colectiva norteamericana, concluyeron que la renovación moral era la única forma de regresar a la visión utópica de los padres fundadores de los Estados Unidos. Se pensó que la renovación moral dentro de los EE. UU. podría ser alentada por una política exterior fuerte. La conclusión es que las utopías no se pueden establecer a través de la fuerza externa

The day after Iraq's August 1990 invasion of Kuwait, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 660 condemning Iraq's aggression and demanding that it withdraw. A week later it passed Resolution 661 demanding that UN Member States prevent all trade and financial transactions with Iraq. In all of its previous history, the Security Council had only imposed sanctions to discipline errant states twice before. The precedent used for the drafting of Resolution 661 was the sanctions imposed on Rhodesia in December 1966 after it had declared independence from Britain. This signified something of an empirical vacuum where those drafting resolutions in New York deployed a set of assumptions that gave both the theory and practise of sanctions their coherence. It was assumed that a state, when faced with an on-going economic embargo, would be forced to react in predictable ways. If the application of sanctions caused enough suffering within society, then popular discontent would eventually force the ruling elite to change policy and work to lift sanctions as theoretically the state cannot escape public opinion or ignore a population whose economic well-being has been seriously damaged by the application of sanctions. In 1990–1991 the economic and political assumptions underpinning the practice of sanctions appeared to make Iraq an ideal candidate for their application given that 95% of Iraq's foreign exchange earnings came directly from oil exports. In addition, the economy was dependent upon food imports costing US$3 billion annually. However, these assumptions along with the normative vision that gave sanctions their ideological coherence were proven wrong as the Iraqi regime manoeuvred to entrench itself further within society and actually strengthen its position.

Vaughan Lowe has recently argued that the most important task of international lawyers at times of flux is to identify claims with precision.1 In order to accomplish this task with regard to the issue of use of force in Iraq, it seems necessary to review the main American and British arguments, including the formal legal arguments presented, as well as the relevant reactions of other States over a longer period of time. This will allow us to reveal patterns of argumentation, similarities, and differences in the American and British justifications as well as in the responses of the international community.

Le relazioni tra Stati Uniti e l'Egitto sono finalizzate al mantenimento della stabilità nella regione Mediorientale. Perno fondamentale della politica americana in Medio Oriente. Paese strategico, elemento di stabilità regionale. Agli occhi della politica estera americana degli scorsi trent'anni, l'Egitto ha goduto di commenti per la gran parte lusinghieri, quando si è trattato di descrivere il proprio ruolo regionale. Un'alleanza iniziata in seguito agli accordi di Camp David tra Israele e l'Egitto nel 1978. L'Egitto è stato uno dei maggiori destinatari mondiali di aiuti finanziari e militari statunitensi. Dal 1979 a oggi Washington ha versato al Cairo mediamente due miliardi di dollari l'anno. Se è vero che Sadat è stato essenziale perché Washington potesse considerare il Cairo la sua testa di ponte araba in Medio Oriente e Nord Africa, si deve però riconoscere che l'alleanza tra Stati Uniti ed Egitto è riuscita ad andare oltre Sadat, e soprattutto a resistere a vere e proprie scosse telluriche che avrebbero potuto mettere in gioco non solo la stabilità dell'alleanza, ma gli stessi fondamenti delle relazioni tra Cairo e Washington. Il conflitto in Palestina, è stato solo uno dei banchi di prova, nonché solo una delle priorità nelle relazioni tra Stati Uniti ed Egitto. L'esperienza acquisita dalle esercitazioni militari congiunte furono rivelate molto preziose nel facilitare il coordinamento durante l'operazione Desert Storm in Iraq nel febbraio del 1991.