This article highlights the renewed interest in the history of the coup of 1964 and the dictatorship that followed in Brazil, as well as some debates involved in the production of memoirs, investigative journalism and academic research on the topic. It analyses at more length one of the polemics: the increasing use of the term 'civilian‐military' to qualify the coup, the rule, and the dictatorship. It argues that – independent of the use of the term – the most important aspect is to understand the complex relationship between the military and civilians as part of a broader process of conservative modernisation during this period.
Social media networks are rapidly rewriting the traditional principles and protocols of war and conflict reporting. This paper endorses the argument that with the help of new media technologies, journalists can enhance the peacebuilding efforts in societies and communities. Their writings in the alternate media can provide 'compelling form of engagement' between the audiences and the people affected in the areas of violent conflict. But, the paper further argues, this requires a broadening of the orthodox model of journalistic objectivity that has so far been in place. It examines the possibilities of new models in the light of the existing journalism paradigms as argued by scholars including Galtung and Ruge (1965), Lynch and McGoldrick (2005), Shinar (2007), Hackett (2011) and Shaw (2011). It concludes on the need to have a model that is 'a more natural fit' for the 21st century by giving journalists the 'flexibility' to enable people to make their own judgments as to where the truth lies; and to open up the possibilities for dialogue and engagement in conflict resolution. (author's abstract)
This article treats the links between the 1890s literature of urban reform in the United States, which focused on the downtown "other half" of New York, and the war literature of 1898, when American troops intervened in Cuba's war of independence. The article focuses on the work of Stephen Crane, who worked as a New York police reporter, slum novelist, and Cuba war correspondent in this turbulent decade. Leary shows how, in the martial culture of the American 1890s, the rhetoric of militarism informed the practice of urban reform, while the rhetoric of urban reform informed the military campaign in Cuba. This article argues that the United States' urban underdevelopment, represented famously by the Lower East Side of Manhattan, was imaginatively displaced onto Cuba. The War of 1898 was therefore an important landmark in the creation of a Third World imaginary in the United States, when "underdevelopment" would become a distinctly Latin American condition. In the twentieth century, the gap between modernity and underdevelopment would not be found in the sprawling tenement cities, but in "other Americas" to the south, below the Mason-Dixon line and in Cuba. After 1898, Cuba, once so close to the United States as to be nearly a state in the union, now belonged to another time—indeed, almost another world.
During the eight-year war in Iraq that lasted from March 2003 until December 2011, two kinds of journalists reported on the war, those who were with the military (embedded) and those who were not (unilateral). The embedding process, created by the Pentagon and implemented for the first time in Iraq, has been highly criticised and singled out as a key factor in the low American media coverage of civilian casualties compared to coverage of coalition casualties. This research paper seeks to use statistical data collected from the New York Times' coverage during the second week of the invasion of Iraq to evaluate the legitimacy of this criticism. This research will compare embedded and unilateral coverage by isolating those articles that include coverage of civilian casualties and coalition casualties. This study has practical implications for the embed/unilateral debate in the context of human rights discourse in the media.
El golpe de Estado de Francisco Franco en 1936 desencadenó una persecución de periodistas que se vieron vinculados al bando nacional o al republicano. Tres grandes articulistas de Baena, un municipio de Córdoba (España), sufrieron fatales consecuencias. Antonio Bermúdez Cañete, corresponsal de El Debate en la Alemania nazi, enviado especial a la guerra italoabisinia y diputado en 1936 por la CEDA, fue asesinado ese año en la Checa de Bellas Artes de Madrid. Fernando Vázquez Ocaña, diputado socialista en 1933, portavoz del consejo de ministros de Juan Negrín, biógrafo de García Lorca, tuvo que exiliarse en 1939 y no regresó jamás a España. Manuel Piedrahita Ruiz, que estudió en la escuela de periodismo de El Debate y dirigió periódicos en Zamora, Jaén y Baena, fue asesinado en Baena por los republicanos. El autor analiza el exterminio de algunos de los grandes periodistas andaluces del primer tercio del siglo XX y las consecuencias del levantamiento militar en otros profesionales vinculados a la prensa local y nacional. ; A hunt of journalists linked to the national band or the republican one was unchained in 1936 by the Francisco Franco's military coup. Three important columnists from Baena, a village in Cordoba (Spain) suffered disastrous consequences. Antonio Bermúdez Cañete, corresponsal from El Debate en la Alemania nazi, special correspondent in the Italoabisinian war and CEDA diputy in 1936 was assisinated in that year in the Checa of Bellas Artes in Madrid. Fernando Vázquez Ocaña, socialist deputy in 1933, spokesperson of the Ministers council of Juan Negrín and Garcia Lorca's biographer, went into exile in 1939 and he never came back Spain. Manuel Piedrahita Ruiz, who studied in the journalism school of El Debate and managed newspapers in Zamora, Jaén and Baena, was assassinated in Baena by the republican side. The author analyses the extermination of some of relevant Andalusian journalists in the first third of twentieth century and the military uprising consequences reflected in other professionals linked to local and national press.
US and British casualty figures in Afghanistan experienced a dramatic surge in 2010. A total of 499 US troops and 103 British soldiers were killed by the Taliban last year with thousands more seriously injured by improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The casualty statistics for Afghanistan paint a grim picture of the US-led International Security Assistance Force's (ISAF) campaign against the Taliban. ISAF's war in Afghanistan deteriorated significantly in 2007 as the Taliban re-grouped, re-organised and finessed its counter-insurgency strategy against NATO. For example, the number of US and British troops killed in action by the Taliban on an annual basis trebled between 2007 and 2009. This spike in combat deaths prompted President Obama to announce an Iraq-style troop surge to be deployed in Afghanistan during 2010. The US troop surge in Iraq in 2007 is often cited as the primary causal factor in the reduction of US casualties there by up to 90% between 2007 and 2009. Whilst many observers dispute this claim, the Obama administration had hoped that there would be a similar reduction in US casualties in Afghanistan. General David Petraeus, architect of the Iraq surge, assumed command of ISAF in July of last year as NATO operations intensified in Afghanistan. Unfortunately however, increased troop levels – along with a genuine attempt to engage the civilian population with hundreds of civilian-led provincial reconstruction teams – has not led to a reduction in hostilities or casualties. The number of Afghan civilians killed in the war almost doubled during 2010. In addition, US casualties – from a peak in 2009 – doubled yet again in 2010.
Military-related journalism serves an important purpose, and has a special relevance in the modern era of nearly continuous American military involvement. Yet, conflicting goals have long made relations between journalists and the military difficult, and both institutions have faced abundant criticism regarding the role each plays in providing information to the public. This study seeks to provide additional perspective on the topic, and involves a consideration of the views held by individual military service members and veterans regarding military-related news. Data gathered from interviews suggests that, while a diversity of perspectives exist, widespread frustration with military-related reporting is very common among the military population.
Address. Relationship between the military and the media in wartime; sees media coverage as essential for sustaining the national will of democracies in a protracted war.
The paper explores Kipling's art and craftsmanship as a storyteller, whether one is talking about real/factual news reporting or imaginary stories. The main focus falls on Kipling's experience both as a journalist and a writer in order to problematize the blurring line that sometimes divides these two genres of narrative regarding their commitment to telling the truth. Three texts were chosen for this purpose: "The Sutlej Bridge", a news article published by the Civil and Military Gazette (1887); and two tales "The Man Who Would Be King" (Wee Willie Winkie, 1888) and "The Bridge Builders" (The Day's Work, 1898). From a thematic perspective, these narratives are linked, on the one hand, by the act of construction — the construction of bridges or empire-building — and, on the other hand, by the role of the journalist in reporting what he sees and/or listens to. The analysis demonstrates that fiction/literature can often supersede in scope and depthness factual accounts of reality, thus aiming to reach higher levels of truthfulness. ; Resumo: O artigo explora a arte e mestria de Kipling como contador de "histórias", sejam elas reais/factuais ou imaginárias. A sua experiência como jornalista e escritor é o nosso objeto de análise no sentido de problematizar a ténue linha divisória que, por vezes, separa os dois géneros de narrativa no que respeita o seu compromisso com o contar a verdade. Escolhemos para o efeito três textos: "The Sutlej Bridge", um artigo publicado pelo jornal Civil and Military Gazette (1887); e os contos "The Man Who Would Be King (Wee Willie Winkie, 1888) e "The Bridge Builders" (The Day's Work, 1898). A unir estas narrativas, do ponto de vista temático, temos, por um lado, o ato da construção — a construção de pontes ou a construção de impérios — e, por outro, o papel do jornalista em relatar o que vê e/ou o que ouve. A análise demonstra que a ficção/literatura pode muitas das vezes ultrapassar em dimensão e profundidade as narrativas do real, alcançando assim níveis superiores de veracidade. ...
