Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Gender studies and its professors are attacked and oppressed by patriarchal, masculinist, antifeminist, and anti-LGBTI discourses and institutional practices. This trend is not limited to white- and/or Christian-majority countries, as the literature has documented thus far. Antigender campaigns can easily infiltrate Middle Eastern and/or Muslim-majority contexts in which feminists and queers have long struggled to transform societies, cultures, and states. In Turkey a state-led antigender movement has been unfolding, with burdensome outcomes for women and sexual minorities as well as activists and faculty members. The most recent step taken in the state-led antigender turn was Turkey's withdrawal from the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention Action by a precipitous presidential decree. Drawing on thirty-three interviews with gender studies scholars, this article documents their ambivalent and perturbing connection with the state. The recent antigender atmosphere may make them feel downtrodden, silenced, and vulnerable in personal and professional domains, while it rejuvenates their resilience, renders their ongoing feminist/queer struggles meaningful and passionate, and cultivates an air of hope and optimism. To fight ostracism by public institutions and to attain their academic rights, the respondents use their empowering feelings, hope, and commitment against patriarchal and homophobic state forces.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Introduction. Merkeldämmerung -- Chapter 1. Coalition Politics in Crisis? -- Chapter 2. Pointing Fingers at the Media? -- Chapter 3. LGBTI Rights and the 2017 German National Election -- Chapter 4. Kan-di(e)-dat? -- Chapter 5. The Left Party and the AfD -- Chapter 6. The CDU/CSU's Ambivalent 2017 Campaign -- Chapter 7. Yet Another Grand Coalition -- Chapter 8. The Race for Third -- Chapter 9. Two of the Same Kind? -- Chapter 10. The AfD and the End of Containment in Germany? -- Chapter 11. Radical Right-Wing Populists in Parliament -- Chapter 12. Antisemitism in the "Alternative for Germany" Party -- Chapter 13. Germany's Aussenpolik After the Election -- Chapter 14. Germany's Role in the EU-27 Leadership Constellation after Brexit -- Epilogue. Moving Beyond Merkel -- Index.

Social justice activism via staged protest interrupts official media discourses on national politics. This presentation will discuss the changes over the last fifteen years I have observed in social justice protests and social media activism that engage mainstream media attention. I will present and analyse two successful graphic-based campaigns that I ran in 2014. The 1st four-day campaign concerned Opera Australia's hiring of Tamar Iveri, a soprano singer who had advocated violence against LGBTI activists in her hometown of Tbilisi, Georgia. Mostly remaining within social media, this campaign utilised the initial viral spread of an infographic to target Facebook mechanisms that measure public satisfaction with commercial organisations and sponsors. The second month-long campaign concerned the proposed attendance of Australian government ministers at the anti-gay, anti-abortion "World Congress of Families" conference in Melbourne. Eventually crossing into mainstream media, this campaign succeeded via the utilisation of a variety of online and of offline participatory tactics. I will reflect on the mix of methods that are currently viable for establishing and (re)creating a complex cast of characters via graphics, public pranks, and other modes of storytelling.

"Between 2009 and 2014, an anti homosexuality law circulating in the Ugandan parliament attracted global attention for the draconian nature of its provisions and for the involvement of US antigay evangelical Christians who were reported to have lobbied for its passage. This book makes three contributions to our understanding of these developments. First, it offers an account of the international relations that anticipated and followed the Anti Homosexuality Act. Journeying through encounters between the kingdom of Buganda and British colonialism, between the Ugandan state and its international donors, and between LGBTI activists in the global South and North, the book illuminates the frictional collaborations across geopolitical divides that produce and contest contemporary queerphobias. Second, it explores the dialectic produced by two opposed statements that mark queer postcolonial disagreements-'homosexuality is Western' and 'homophobia is Western'. Arguing that both statements are true but trivial, the book demonstrates how their opposition produces distinctive forms of temporal politics in the queer postcolony. In this register, the book explores the afterlives of colonialism and the queer futures enabled by it in Uganda, India, and Britain. Third, in shifting the scenes of encounter that it investigates from one chapter to the next, the book reveals how queerness mutates in different configurations of power to become a metonym for other categories such as nationality, religiosity, race, class, and caste. It argues that these mutations reveal the grammars forged in the originary violence of the state and social institutions in which queer difference struggles to find place"--

"Queer Activism in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

El artículo estudia las primeras conmemoraciones de los disturbios de Stonewall en Colombia, entre 1978 y 1982. Centra su atención en el Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual de Colombia, organización que propuso la consolidación de esta tradición en el país. El estudio de sus diferentes acciones, a partir de testimonios de militantes y textos producidos por el movimiento, devela la intención política del proyecto: establecer una fecha para radicalizar a un sector hasta entonces marginalizado de la política nacional. Con esto es posible evidenciar una fase inicial del movimiento lgbt colombiano, vinculada a la experiencia radical de la década de los setenta. Se concluye que los esfuerzos por establecer esta tradición representan un ejercicio de organización política "desde abajo" que, al no estar exentos de problemas, evidencia la heterogeneidad de un movimiento que generalmente es entendido de manera estática. ; The article studies the first commemorations of the Stonewall riots in Colombia, between 1978 and 1982. It focuses on the Colombian Homosexual Liberation Movement, the organization that proposed consolidating that tradition in the country. The study of its different actions on the basis of militants' testimonies and texts produced by the movement evinces the project's political intention: to establish a date in order to radicalize a sector that had been marginalized from national politics until then. The study shows that the initial phase of the Colombian lgbt movement was linked to the radical experience of the 1970s. It concludes that the efforts to establish this tradition represent an exercise of political organization "from the bottom up", which despite its problems, reveals the heterogeneity of a movement that is usually understood as static. ; Este artigo estuda as primeiras comemorações dos distúrbios de Stonewall na Colômbia, entre 1978 e 1982. Foca sua atenção no Movimento de Liberação Homossexual da Colômbia, organização que propôs a consolidação dessa tradição no país. O estudo de suas diferentes ações, a partir de depoimentos de militantes e textos produzidos pelo movimento, revela a intenção política do projeto: estabelecer uma data para radicalizar um setor até então marginalizado da política nacional. Com isso, é possível evidenciar uma fase inicial do movimento lgbt colombiano, vinculada à experiência radical da década dos 1970. Conclui-se que os esforços para estabelecer essa tradição representam um exercício de organização política "de baixo" que, ao não estarem isentos de problemas, evidencia a heterogeneidade de um movimento que geralmente é entendido de maneira estática.

Recent research shows that lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and intersex (LGBTI) rights have become a core value of the European Union. Concurrently, hostility towards LGBTI rights is increasing across the European Union, including through anti-gender mobilisations, which reject 'gender ideology'. This study employs sequential discourse analyses to discover: (1) the regional specificities in anti-gender discourse; and (2) whether the European Commission is discursively responsive to these differences. We find that the European Commission adapts its LGBTI discourse to actual and expected regional specificities, both in the issues discussed and in the frames employed. These conclusions are relevant because they show that European Union discourse on LGBTI rights is not homogeneous and may be strategically adapted to regional contexts, which has implications for the purported universal protection of LGBTI rights in the European Union. Additionally, these findings shed light on the important but neglected role that social mobilisations play in sensitising European Union actors to regional variation in political attitudes and values.

This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.

This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.

This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.

AbstractThe literature on Normative Power Europe (NPE) largely omits the question of why the EU chooses to focus on particular norms in the first place. This paper goes beyond the assumption that the EU simply externalizes its internal norms, because such a perspective does not sufficiently explain why the EU prioritizes certain norms over others, particularly in the case of contested norms. Using LGBTI rights and Freedom of Religion or Belief (FoRB) in the EU's external human rights policy as two cases, I demonstrate how norm entrepreneurs – both external and internal – have been essential for bringing these norms to the EU's attention. Only after initial internal resistances had been overcome, were these norms able to reach the EU's external agenda. The two cases illustrate the internal political struggles that precede norm selection, supporting recent calls for a more politics‐oriented perspective on Normative Power Europe.

ABSTRACTThis article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the "anti-gender" campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist and LGBTI movements does not necessarily decelerate or reverse the respective movements' agendas.

"Transgender-Specific Policy in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

Part I. Colonial knowledges and postcolonial multiplicities. Chapter 1. Religion, ritual power, exclusion and marginality: Gender-transgressive Shivashaktis in Telangana, Southern India / Pushpesh Kumar and Archana Rao M. ; Chapter 2. Uncertain grammars, ambiguous desires: Towards a sexual politic of indeterminacy in Sri Lanka / Themal Ellawala ; Chapter 3. Twenty-five years after Dominic D'Souza : What happens when your queer icon refuses to be? / R. Benedito Ferrão ; Chapter 4. The iconography of Hindu(ized) hijras: Idioms of hijra representation in Northern India / Appita Phukan Biswas ; Chapter 5. A normal person cannot be made queer : The immorality act (amendment) commission of 1968 in apartheid South Africa / Vasu Reddy -- Part II. Transnational migrations and diasporic linkages. Chapter 6: I want a yaar : Pakistani Muslim American gay men and transnational same-sex sexual cultures in the West / Ahmed Afzal ; Chapter 7. Decolonizing the postcolonial body in diasporic time and space : South Asians in the Caribbean / Krystal Nandini Ghisyawan ; Chapter 8. Intersectionality and South Asian Non-Normative Sexualities : The case of South Asian lesbians and bisexual women in the United Kingdom / Anna Fry, Surya Monro, Vicki Smith ; Chapter 9. Trans/queer South Asian diaspora in the United Kingdom : Whose Regimes of the Normal does Queer critique? / Shamira A. Meghani -- Part III. Global economization of sexualities and gender transgressing politics. Chapter 10. Trans south : Practical bases for trans internationalism / Raewyn Connell ; Chapter 11. On the limits and possibilities of LGBTI politics : Contextualizing socio-political violence and political transitions in South America / José Fernando Serrano-Amaya ; Chapter 12. Understanding gender in Nepal : Concepts and practices / Gyanu Chhetri ; Chapter 13. Operationalizing the new Pakistani transgender citizen : Legal gendered grammars and trans frames of feeling / Sara Shroff ; Chapter 14. The political economy of empowerment : Microfinance, middle class and the sexual subculture in contemporary Bangladesh / Ahonaa Roy.