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Discusses the Brotherhood as part of the Islamist movement, focusing on objectives, organizational structure, political activities and opposition, and radical branches.

The so-called Arab Spring has ushered in many surprising changes, not the least of which is an apparent sea change in American foreign policy. The Muslim Brotherhood -- hitherto regarded as the principal ideological incubator of Islamic extremism and shunned accordingly -- has been rehabilitated by the present American administration. Long before the Brotherhoods Mohamed Morsi was elected Egyptian president in June, the administration was openly courting the organization. The first sign of the change came in the form of what seemed initially to be a bizarre gaffe. Speaking at congressional hearings in February 2011, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper incongruously described the Brotherhood as "largely secular." But the gaffe soon proved to have been a harbinger of policy. Within a year, the American ambassador to Egypt, Anne Patterson, and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chair, John Kerry, were meeting with Brotherhood officials in Cairo. The contacts, in both Cairo and Washington, have gone on ever since. In this context, it is hardly surprising that many observers -- and especially those wary of the administration "reset" with the Brotherhood -- would regard a recent book by former Wall Street Journal reporter Ian Johnson as, in effect, the book of the hour. Bearing the sensational title A Mosque in Munich: Nazis, the cia, and the Rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the West (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2010), Johnson's volume contains an even more sensational thesis: namely, that the U.S. had already gotten involved with the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s and that the Brotherhood's leading representative in Europe at the time, Said Ramadan, was even a CIA asset! On Johnson's account, the CIA helped Ramadan to seize control of the "mosque in Munich" of the book's title. The claim is all the more sensational inasmuch as the mosque -- or rather the Islamic association that sponsored its construction -- would in the aftermath of 9/11 come to be linked to al Qaeda. It is not difficult to understand, then, why Johnson's book has been hailed as a "cautionary tale." And this it would be, were it not for the fact that the tale Johnson tells is not supported by the evidence. The whole basis of Johnsons narrative of American "collusion" -- as he put it in the Fall 2011 Middle East Quarterly -- with Ramadan and the Brotherhood is circumstantial evidence and conjecture. Unnervingly, once introduced into the narrative, the conjecture is then elevated to the status of established fact. This procedure allows Johnson, for instance, to refer repeatedly to an American "plan" to install Ramadan as the head of the Munich mosque project, even though he has offered no proof that such a plan ever existed. Adapted from the source document.

This author made her first study of the Muslim brotherhoods in 1966, and then ten years later reassessed their political position.1 Now, after almost a similar length of time since 1976, this brief evaluation is written in the hope of illustrating the gradually changing position of Muslim leaders or marabouts, and their rôle in Senegalese life and politics.

Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: The Beginnings of the Reformist Movement in Kuwait and the Rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Arab World 1910-41 -- Chapter 3: Organizational Structure of the Movement in Kuwait -- Chapter 4: Social Activism in the Social Domain -- Chapter 5: Islamists and Politics -- Chapter 6: Conclusion.

The Muslim Brotherhood is often represented in mainstream media as a theocratic organisation that preaches Qur'an-based violence and is out to grab power in the West. As this book shows, such representations are wrought with prejudice and oversimplification; the organisation is in reality much more dynamic and diverse. Its goals, ideology and influence have never been static and vary greatly amongst its descendants in both Europe and the Middle East. Joas Wagemakers introduces the reader to this fascinating organisation and the major ideological and historical developments that it has gone through since its emergence in 1928

AbstractScholarship on political Islam suggests that support for early Islamist movements came from literate merchants, government officials, and professionals who lacked political representation. We test these claims with a unique tranche of microlevel data drawn from a Muslim Brotherhood petition campaign in interwar Egypt. Matching the occupations of over 2,500 Brotherhood supporters to contemporaneous census data, we show that Egyptians employed in commerce, public administration, and the professions were more likely to sign the movement's petitions. The movement's supporters were also overwhelmingly literate. Contrary to expectations, the early Brotherhood also attracted support from Egyptians employed in agriculture, albeit less than we would expect given the prevalence of agrarian workers in the population. A case study tracing Muslim Brotherhood branch formation and petition activism in a Nile Delta village illustrates how literate, socially mobile agrarian families were key to the propagation of the movement in rural areas.

Scholarship on political Islam suggests that support for early Islamist movements came from literate merchants, government officials, and professionals who lacked political representation. We test these claims with a unique tranche of microlevel data drawn from a Muslim Brotherhood petition campaign in interwar Egypt. Matching the occupations of over 2,500 Brotherhood supporters to contemporaneous census data, we show that Egyptians employed in commerce, public administration, and the professions were more likely to sign the movement's petitions. The movement's supporters were also overwhelmingly literate. Contrary to expectations, the early Brotherhood also attracted support from Egyptians employed in agriculture, albeit less than we would expect given the prevalence of agrarian workers in the population. A case study tracing Muslim Brotherhood branch formation and petition activism in a Nile Delta village illustrates how literate, socially mobile agrarian families were key to the propagation of the movement in rural areas

"The Inclusion-Moderation Thesis: Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt" published on by Oxford University Press.

This paper highlights how the Muslim Brotherhood instrumentalized antisemitic conspiracies in its journal al-Da ( wa in its bid to strengthen its socio-political authority under Sadat. After discussing theoretical insights on conspiracy theories and (Muslim and Muslim Brotherhood) antisemitism, the paper zooms in on the return of the Muslim Brotherhood under Sadat, focusing on the movement's internal dynamics and its growing socio-political ambitions, followed by a content analysis of antisemitic conspiracy theories found in al-Da ( wa. The final part of the paper analyses the different dimensions and the functions of these antisemitic conspiracies for the movement. The paper concludes that through the antisemitic conspiracies, the Muslim Brotherhood has positioned itself as a religious, moral and political authority. Although al-Da ( wa promulgated classical (European) antisemitic conspiracies, these were utilized by the movement for purposes other than mere hatred and distrust of the Jews and Jewish–Muslim polemics.

Stellung und Einfluß des Islam im Zeitablauf. Bedeutung der moslemischen Bruderschaften, Einfluß einiger herausragender moslemischer Führer (Marabout) auf die Innenpolitik sowie generell auf die politische Führung des Landes. Obwohl der Islam an Bedeutung im Lande noch gewinnt, nimmt der politische Einfluß der Marabouts schon seit geraumer Zeit und weiterhin graduell ab. Sie werden nur noch als Vertreter ihrer Religion, als Lehrer und Berater gesehen. (vgl. 73-01722-af: Monographie des Verfassers zum gleichen Thema von 1970) (DÜI-Hlb)