Suchergebnisse

Anger is a neglected area in the study of international relations. Set against the broader impact of emotions on international relations and the emotional turn in the human and social sciences, this exploratory article focuses on state and non-state anger (as an emotion) in the contemporary era, here defined as the Age of Anger. The unique attributes of this era and states displaying anger are presented. The article concludes with a description and consequences of the behaviour of angry states and the inherent political utility of and dangers associated with anger.

The long-established relationships between Argentina and the Arab world are the result of the significant presence of Arab communities and actors in Latin America, due to several migratory waves along history. However, bilateral relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have only deepened much more recently. Initiatives to widen relations such as the Summits of the South American-Arab Countries (ASPA, from its acronym in Spanish) and MERCOSUR-GCC have worked not only as a framework but also as a platform to diversify those relations in terms of the actors and initiatives involved. Since its beginning, the relationship between Argentina and the GCC states has had continuity in terms of trade exchanges and public diplomacy, even during periods defined by the absence of public policies towards the GCC countries. In this context, initiatives of a different nature conducted by sociocultural or religious non-state actors have filled the gap, in a process of multiple exchanges, have added value to the relation and have gone further than the economic realm and formalities of public diplomacy, especially in the period 2003-2015. ; Fil: Lechini, Gladys Teresita. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales. Escuela de Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

There exists a range of situations where non-state actors and states can possibly share responsibility for their contribution to harmful outcomes, thereby raising a multitude of questions on the determination, content and implementation of responsibility in such a scenario. It may be tempting to adopt an approach whereby a shared responsibility regime involving non-state actors and states draws ex post on the regime put in place by the ILC Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, especially in connection to the rules of attribution of conduct and attribution of responsibility. Such a model of international responsibility, however, would only work to the extent that addressees are bound by primary norms of international law in the first place. This is certainly not a given in respect of non-state actors. Moreover, non-state actors may differ fundamentally from states, thereby making the transposition of traditional rules of state responsibility artificial and inadequate: their loosely organised, temporary, diverse, illegitimate, or even outright criminal character may militate against applying the classic responsibility paradigm to non-state-state interactions. In view of these limitations, a turn to an ex ante approach to questions of shared responsibility, through standard-setting, has been suggested, and may be cautiously supported in respect of the activities of a number of non-state actors. This, however, is not exclusive to the simultaneous application of ex post and ex ante approaches to shared responsibility.

Non-state actors represent equal partners, viable competitors, and/or serious enemies in the current international system. Their specific position depends on how their behaviour in the system is perceived by states, international organizations, and civil society. The behaviour itself can be positive or negative. However, a closer look at the field of non-state actors will show that it is not easy to identify the good and bad guys of the system between them. It is due fact, that we are not living in a black-and-white world, or a black-and-white international system. For this reason, this study has the ambition to present a new approach to identifying bad guys, i.e., negative non-state actors, in the international system.

The involvement of non-state actors in world politics can hardly be characterised as novel, but intensifying economic and social exchange and the emergence of new modes of international governance have given them much greater visibility and, many would argue, a more central role. Non-state Actors in World Politics offers analyses of a diverse range of economic, social, legal (and illegal), old and new actors, such as the Catholic Church, trade unions, diasporas, religious movements, transnational corporations and organised crime.