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As early as the 19th century discoveries of groups of large axes puzzled those confronted with them. The fact that most were found in waterlogged places increased the speculation as to the nature of the deposits. This thesis is concerned with the character and significance of TRB flint axe depositions. The first part is mainly concerned with the question of selective deposition and how it was structured. By means of metrical, spatial and functional analysis, patterns are explored that can shed light on the actions performed by people in the past. The second part deals with the meaning and significance of TRB flint axe depositions. Why did people in the past do the things they did, how were these actions meaningful and important? Using sociological theory and ethnographic evidence an interpretation is presented based on the empirically observed patterns.

SummaryThe ideology of domesticity that identified women with a domestic role became more articulated in north-western Europe throughout the early modern period. At the same time, perceptions of work changed and a new appraisal of labour emerged. These seemingly contradictory tendencies prompt the question how women fitted in with the ideology of work. This article discusses common notions of the economic role of women as they emerged from the debates on women, gender relations, and work; how these notions were translated into practical advice in conduct literature; and with what norms women were confronted in everyday life. It appears that work was valued positively for both women and men. Women's involvement in remunerated work was not considered problematic. There was a dividing line, however, and that was drawn between work within the home, which was deemed women's work, and work outside the home, which was deemed men's work. In practice, a differentiation was made between social groups; women who lacked income from capital were supposed to earn their living from work.

Abstract
Maintaining heritage languages is of vital significance for multicultural families. We present a study of Mandarin
transmission among ten Dutch Chinese families in Groningen (Netherlands) associated to a local Saturday school. Data from semi-structured
interviews and a questionnaire reveal that personal, integrative, and instrumental values, all play a role in language choices. Remarkably,
with general positive attitudes towards multilingualism in Dutch society, families too feel encouraged to maintain Mandarin. Nevertheless,
they report lack of school and institutional support, and criticisms about their ability to belong in Dutch society. Parents wish that
teachers attached more importance to their heritage languages, rather than solely focusing on children's learning of Dutch (and English),
and that their own multiculturality (not only that of their children) be embraced. Likewise, parents are critical of the Chinese school, and
wish teachers better accommodated to the sensitivities and practices their children are used to from their Dutch school experience.

AbstractThis article revalorises women's protest and popular political ideas in history. A case study focusing on three cities of the Low Countries shows that not only men, but also women were involved when it came to spreading subversive ideas, undermining the authority of urban governors, and mobilising discontent. The analysis of fifteenth-century records of repression from Antwerp, Mechelen and Leuven demonstrates that both male and female commoners permanently strove to change the governmental practices in town by using contentious speech.

Today's Belgian provinces of Brabant and Limburg, which were independent territories in tract the Middle Ages, emerged during the course of the 10th century from the former domain of Reginars. After Otto II had transferred the county Leuven in 978 to Lambert, a son of Reginar III, Lambert and his successors developed the small territory into a powerful dominion. The domain reached its political apex with Johann I (1269-1294). As the victor of the dispute over hereditary succession in the domain of Limburg, he reigned over two territories from 1288 onwards and was the most powerful ruler in Lower Lorraine. In the 1270s he appointed the first financial administrators in their posts and with their help built up a system of tax administration. While the numerous individual bills from the first half of the 14th century indicate the existence of organised tax administration, the complete bills of the tax administrators of the domain are only available from the year 1363. They continue without interruption until 1404 when Duchess Johanna entrusted the dominion to her grandnephew Antoine de Bourgogne. This thesis focuses on the administrators' bills from Brabant and Limburg from the year 1396, when Philipp of Burgundy assumed sole power of Limburg and the Limburg bills were no longer cleared in Brussels but in Lille. This means that the bills can only be compared with each other to a certain extent as the Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders had far greater financial possibilities than Johanna of Brabant ever did.

À la suite de la victoire de l'armée française à Fleurus le 26 juin 1794, un régime d'occupation est imposé en Belgique. Afin de maintenir l'ordre public et de réprimer les infractions aux arrêtés des représentants de la Convention, des comités de surveillance inspirés du modèle révolutionnaire français sont installés dans les principales villes du pays. Composés majoritairement de citoyens originaires des Pays-Bas autrichiens acquis aux principes de la Révolution française, ces comités comptent également en leur sein quelques citoyens français. Leur tâche consiste à mener des enquêtes, sur base soit des dénonciations spontanées qui leur sont adressés soit des rapports des agents secrets qu'ils emploient. Véritable police politique, les comités de surveillance du Brabant fonctionnent peu de temps : installés en septembre 1794, ils sont supprimés en février 1795, au terme d'une existence controversée.

À la suite de la victoire de l'armée française à Fleurus le 26 juin 1794, un régime d'occupation est imposé en Belgique. Afin de maintenir l'ordre public et de réprimer les infractions aux arrêtés des représentants de la Convention, des comités de surveillance inspirés du modèle révolutionnaire français sont installés dans les principales villes du pays. Composés majoritairement de citoyens originaires des Pays-Bas autrichiens acquis aux principes de la Révolution française, ces comités comptent également en leur sein quelques citoyens français. Leur tâche consiste à mener des enquêtes, sur base soit des dénonciations spontanées qui leur sont adressés soit des rapports des agents secrets qu'ils emploient. Véritable police politique, les comités de surveillance du Brabant fonctionnent peu de temps : installés en septembre 1794, ils sont supprimés en février 1795, au terme d'une existence controversée.