Entretien avec Philip Pettit
In: Raisons politiques: études de pensée politique, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 177-191
ISSN: 1950-6708
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In: Raisons politiques: études de pensée politique, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 177-191
ISSN: 1950-6708
In: Raisons politiques: études de pensée politique, Heft 3, S. 177-191
ISSN: 1291-1941
In: Vanderbilt Law Review, Band 51, Heft 4
SSRN
In Buchanan v. Warley the Supreme Court found that a Louisville, Kentucky, residential segregation ordinance was unconstitutional because it interfered with the Fourteenth Amendment right to own and dispose of property and could not be justified as a police power measure.' The Buchanan decision came at a crucial juncture in the history of American race relations. Several cities in the southern and border states had recently passed residential segregation ordinances, and other cities were poised to follow suit if the Supreme Court ruled that such ordinances were constitutional. Several northern cities were considering adopting residential segregation laws as well,' and there was considerable agitation in the rural South for de jure segregation. The spread of residential segregation laws reflected the antipathy the average white American felt toward African-Americans. Most whites, including most white intellectuals, believed that African- Americans were culturally and biologically inferior. Progressive political and intellectual leaders generally shared the racism of the day, and Progressive social scientists promoted pseudo-scientific theories of race differences. Not surprisingly, the idea of coerced segregation resonated with Progressive reformers, who, consistent with their statist outlook, believed in "public control" of the housing market. Some Progressives insisted that capitalism forced unwilling races to live together. Others justified segregation laws as furthering the "public interest" by preventing miscegenation between "superior" whites and "inferior" African-Americans." Progressives argued that segregation laws promoted public safety, protected property values, and helped maintain the public order. National political leaders supported segregation laws as well.
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Philip Haas, Fürstenehe und Interessen. Die dynastische Ehe der Frühen Neuzeit in zeitgenössischer Traktatliteratur und politischer Praxis am Beispiel Hessen-Kassels (Quellen und Forschungen zur hessischen Geschichte, Bd. 177), Darmstadt und Marburg: Historische Kommission Darmstadt und Historische Kommission für Hessen 2017. 393 S. mit 9 Abb. ISBN 978-3-88443-332-4 Geb. € 36,–
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In: Parliamentary history, Band 35, Heft S1, S. 346-347
ISSN: 1750-0206
In: Modern simulation & training: MS & T ; the international training journal, Heft 1, S. 41
ISSN: 0937-6348
In: The annals of occupational hygiene: an international journal published for the British Occupational Hygiene Society
ISSN: 1475-3162
In: Race & class: a journal for black and third world liberation, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 47-48
ISSN: 1741-3125
In: Social service review: SSR, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 159-160
ISSN: 1537-5404
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 11, S. 41-46
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 8, S. 114-115
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting, Band 111, S. 210-211
ISSN: 2169-1118
Thank you very much, Paul. Next year it's forty years since I first met Georges, and I think we have been close friends from almost the very beginning. He was never actually my teacher, but he has never ceased to teach me, and I'm very grateful for that. I will try not to let friendship get in the way of a good cross-examination, however.