Individual behaviour has a significant role to play in reducing the negative impacts of climate change. The energy sector is a significant component impacting climate. Although individual energy saving behaviour can be perceived as something detached from climate change, it is important because of its impact and is therefore the subject of research. The aim of this study is to identify the main factors influencing energy saving behaviour in Lithuania. The Theory of Planned Behaviour and the Theory of Basic Human Values are tested using the European Social Survey Round 8 data. The results show that intention to save energy is the most important factor influencing behaviour. Values are also a strong predictor of energy saving behaviour. Attitudes towards climate change and perceived behavioural control have only a very weak relationship with behaviour.
Politische Einstellungen und politische Partizipation im vereinigten Deutschland.
Kumulierter Datensatz aus den Datensätzen der zwei weitgehend identischen Querschnittbefragungen zu zwei verschiedenen Befragungszeitpunkten in Ost- und West-Deutschland.
Themen: Die nachfolgend aufgeführten Fragen wurden in mindestens einer Erhebung gestellt: Beurteilung der aktuellen allgemeinen Wirtschaftslage sowie der Wirtschaftslage im Vorjahr; Konjunkturerwartung; eigene wirtschaftliche Lage; Demokratiezufriedenheit; Politikinteresse; Sicherheit der eigenen Wahlbeteiligungsabsicht und der eigenen Wahlentscheidung; Wahlverhalten bei früheren Bundestagswahlen; Art der Stimmabgabe als Briefwahl oder Urnenwahl; gleiche Wahlentscheidung nach Kenntnis des Ausgangs der Wahl; Parteipräferenz (Sonntagsfrage, Zweitstimme); wichtigste Gründe der Unzufriedenheit mit den Parteien; Koalitionspräferenz; Responsivität: Beurteilung von Parteipolitikern und ihrer Arbeit sowie ihres Verhältnisses zum Bürger (Skala); Machtorientierung der Parteien; Unterschiedlichkeit der Parteien; zu viel Einfluss der Parteien in der Gesellschaft; Korruption von Parteien und Politikern; Notwendigkeit von Berufspolitikern; wichtigste Probleme des Landes; Issue-Relevanz und Issue-Kompetenz der Parteien; Einstellung zu Politik und Gesellschaft (Skala: Kompliziertheit der Politik, Streikrecht, Bürgernähe von Politikern, Einflussmöglichkeiten der Bürger auf die Parteien und die Regierung (Efficacy), Demokratieverständnis); Sympathie-Skalometer für die CDU, CSU, SPD, FDP, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, die Republikaner und die PDS; Postmaterialismus (Inglehart-Index); Institutionenvertrauen: Vertrauen in den Bundestag, in das Bundesverfassungsgericht, in die Bundesregierung, die Gerichte, die Polizei, die Verwaltung, die Kirchen, die Parteien und die Bundeswehr; Kanzlerpräferenz; eigene politische Partizipation; Selbsteinstufung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum; wichtigste Interessengruppe bzw. Interessenvertretung; Vertretenheitsgefühl durch Gewerkschaften, Arbeitgeberverbände, Umweltschutzgruppen und Kirchen; Beurteilung der Parteien in ihrer Nähe zu den vorgenannten Organisationen; Rezeption des politischen Teils in der Zeitung und im Fernsehen; Einschätzung der Gerechtigkeit der Gesellschaftsordnung in der Bundesrepublik; eigene Zugehörigkeit zu einer benachteiligten bzw. bevorzugten Bevölkerungsgruppe in der Gesellschaft; Charakterisierung von Ostdeutschen und Westdeutschen (Selbstbild, Fremdbild, semantisches Differential); Häufigkeit des Aufenthalts im jeweils anderen Teil Deutschlands nach der Vereinigung; Extremismusskala: Nationalstolz, Verstaatlichungswunsch für Wirtschaftsunternehmen, Allgemeinwohl vor Verbandsinteressen, amerikanischer Imperialismus als Gefahr für den Weltfrieden, Diktatur als die bessere Staatsform, gute Seiten am Nationalsozialismus, Ausbeutung von Arbeitern und Dritte-Welt-Ländern, Hitler und Judenvernichtung, Überfremdung der Bundesrepublik, DDR mit mehr positiven Seiten, nationalitätenübergreifende Ehen, zu großer Einfluss der Juden, Sozialismus als gute Idee, Andersartigkeit der Juden und Verständnis für Anschläge auf Asylbewerberheime.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Geburtsjahr (Alter); Konfession; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Kirchenverbundenheit des Elternhauses; Bildung und Schulabschluss; Erwerbstätigkeit; unfreiwilliger Arbeitsplatzwechsel oder Arbeitslosigkeit seit 1990; Ausscheiden aus dem Berufsleben seit 1990; Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Dienst; berufliche Stellung; Familienstand; Charakteristika des Haushaltsvorstands; Wohnsitzbundesland und Wohndauer; Herkunftsbundesland; Mitgliedschaften in Bürgerinitiative, Partei, Berufsvereinigung oder Gewerkschaft; Parteineigung (Skala); Dauer dieser Parteineigung; Parteiidentifikation; Parteineigung hinsichtlich westlicher Parteien vor der Wende (nur im Osten gefragt); Anzahl der Personen, die zum Haushaltseinkommen beitragen; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Selbsteinschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit und Schichtzugehörigkeit des Elternhauses (soziale Mobilität); Haushaltsgröße; Anzahl der Personen ab 16 Jahren im Haushalt.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Interviewdatum für den ersten bis dritten Besuch; Intervieweridentifikation; Ortsgröße; Interviewbeginn; Interviewende; Anzahl der Kontaktversuche; Ost-West-Gewicht; Gewichtungsfaktoren.
In this thesis I examine the causal linkages between natural resource scarcity and violence. In contrast to previous research, I posit that scarcity is an inherently personal experience, and thus argue that the consequences of scarcity too, should be empirically tested at the individual level. The available literature has heavily relied on macro- level aggregate data, often producing inconclusive findings on the exact causality between scarcity and violence. Based on the theoretical work by Thomas Homer- Dixon, I apply micro- level household survey data in a multi- stage structural equation model to test the effect of people's social and political perceptions and attitudes on the linkage between scarcity and violence. I find both direct and indirect significant linkages between respondents' experienced scarcity ('lived scarcity') and their propensity to use violence. I find that the indirect effect on violence is explained by decreases in policy satisfaction, political trust and state legitimacy, and increases of more positive attitudes towards violence. From this, I suggest that experienced scarcity is 'politicized' by respondents as a policy failure, rather than being perceived as exogenous to the political system. My analysis supports the relevance of conditional meso- level factors, and finds strong differences between moderator groups regarding their propensity to use violence. While I find that the highest levels of use of violence in Kenya are driven by political competition, rather than ethnic competition, my path models clearly demonstrate that experienced food scarcity is a significant root cause of this violence through its effect on how people 'politicize' the experience of scarcity. Overall, the models suggest that the effects of scarcity are more complex than previously acknowledged. The risk of violence should thus not be estimated only through direct effects between scarcity and violence, but the risk should be understood in terms of both immediate, direct effects, and mid- and long- term, indirect effects such as decreased levels of political trust, lower perceptions of state legitimacy and more accepting attitudes towards violence.
Swiss national parliamentary elections are frequently considered "low salience" elections. On the one hand, the emphasis on direct democratic elements in the Swiss constitution provides citizens with extensive opportunities to exert institutionalized political influence beyond the parliamentary channel. On the other hand, shifts in political parties' electoral fortunes had not had any consequences for government composition between 1959 and 2003, due to an informal agreement called the "Zauberformel" (magic formula). The interest in national elections has thus been rather limited for a long time – not only on the part of the Swiss electorate (turnout between 1971 and 2019 has mostly been under 50%), but also on the part of academic electoral research: No single election survey had been conducted until the early 1970s.
After two initial surveys in the wake of the 1971 (Sidjanski et al. 1975) and 1975 federal elections (Barnes and Kaase 1979), the 1979 election witnessed the launching of the first VOX survey realized by the Swiss Society for Applied Social Research (GfS) and the University of Bern (Hertig 1980). Thereafter, VOX surveys have accompanied the subsequent federal elections of 1983, 1987 and 1991, and a booklet has been published on each of them (Longchamp 1984, 1988; Longchamp and Hardmeier 1992). Although the VOX surveys could have laid the foundation of a Swiss national election study, these data collection efforts did not trigger many follow-up secondary analyses. Scholars interested in voting behaviour still focused much more on referendums and initiatives than on parliamentary elections – as did the VOX surveys.
It was probably the growing polarization of Swiss politics and the rise of the populist right in the early 1990s that generated a new surge of interest in federal elections. The 1995 election constituted, in Peter Farago's (1995) words, a "new start" in this respect, with the formation of the Swiss Election Study (Selects) project, initially an association of the political science departments of the universities of Bern, Geneva and Zurich. Since then, large-scale surveys have been carried out within the framework of the Selects project for the federal elections of 1995 (Farago 1996; Kriesi et al. 1998), 1999 (Hirter 2000; Sciarini et al. 2003), 2003 (Selb and Lachat 2004; Bühlmann et al. 2006), 2007 (Lutz 2008), 2011 (Lutz 2012), 2015 (Lutz 2016) and 2019 (Tresch et al. 2020), finally resulting in not only a consolidation but also in a massive expansion of electoral research in Switzerland.
One of the primary aims of Selects has been to systematically combine the new survey data with data collected by its precursor research projects. The fact that two complete data collections – those of the 1979 and 1983 VOX election surveys – were lost illustrates the importance of this task. In doing so, Selects has intended to provide a database that facilitates otherwise troublesome longitudinal studies of Swiss elections and voting behaviour (Lachat 2004; Trechsel 1995). The product of these efforts is presented here: A pooled set of Swiss election survey data which covers the period between 1971 and 2019 and includes most of the variables that have been included at least twice in the data collections.
Election Surveys Used:
All the available Swiss election surveys were used to build up this database. Each of them is separately archived and documented at DARISS:
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in Switzerland 1971/72, conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13036/0/) Political Attitudes in Switzerland 1975 (Political Action), conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/10710/0/) National and Federal Council Elections 1979, conducted by the Department of Psychology, University of Zurich, on behalf of the Tages Anzeiger (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/2551/0/) National Elections 1987 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS National Elections 1991 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1995: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/1993/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1999: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/5937/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2003: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, St. Gall, and Zurich, DARIS and OVP/USTAT (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/11328/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2007: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, Lausanne, St. Gall, and Zurich, FORS, OVP/USTAT, FSO and the Federal Chancellery (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/8436/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2011: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/12631/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2015: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13882/0/) Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/16968/0/)
The VOX 1979 and 1983 survey data were lost. While the department of psychology of the University of Zurich did a parallel election study in 1979 which we used to substitute the former, there is absolutely no replacement for the latter. Thus we are left with 12 national elections over a period of 48 years so far.
Swiss national parliamentary elections are frequently considered "low salience" elections. On the one hand, the emphasis on direct democratic elements in the Swiss constitution provides citizens with extensive opportunities to exert institutionalized political influence beyond the parliamentary channel. On the other hand, shifts in political parties' electoral fortunes had not had any consequences for government composition between 1959 and 2003, due to an informal agreement called the "Zauberformel" (magic formula). The interest in national elections has thus been rather limited for a long time – not only on the part of the Swiss electorate (turnout between 1971 and 2019 has mostly been under 50%), but also on the part of academic electoral research: No single election survey had been conducted until the early 1970s.
After two initial surveys in the wake of the 1971 (Sidjanski et al. 1975) and 1975 federal elections (Barnes and Kaase 1979), the 1979 election witnessed the launching of the first VOX survey realized by the Swiss Society for Applied Social Research (GfS) and the University of Bern (Hertig 1980). Thereafter, VOX surveys have accompanied the subsequent federal elections of 1983, 1987 and 1991, and a booklet has been published on each of them (Longchamp 1984, 1988; Longchamp and Hardmeier 1992). Although the VOX surveys could have laid the foundation of a Swiss national election study, these data collection efforts did not trigger many follow-up secondary analyses. Scholars interested in voting behaviour still focused much more on referendums and initiatives than on parliamentary elections – as did the VOX surveys.
It was probably the growing polarization of Swiss politics and the rise of the populist right in the early 1990s that generated a new surge of interest in federal elections. The 1995 election constituted, in Peter Farago's (1995) words, a "new start" in this respect, with the formation of the Swiss Election Study (Selects) project, initially an association of the political science departments of the universities of Bern, Geneva and Zurich. Since then, large-scale surveys have been carried out within the framework of the Selects project for the federal elections of 1995 (Farago 1996; Kriesi et al. 1998), 1999 (Hirter 2000; Sciarini et al. 2003), 2003 (Selb and Lachat 2004; Bühlmann et al. 2006), 2007 (Lutz 2008), 2011 (Lutz 2012), 2015 (Lutz 2016) and 2019 (Tresch et al. 2020), finally resulting in not only a consolidation but also in a massive expansion of electoral research in Switzerland.
One of the primary aims of Selects has been to systematically combine the new survey data with data collected by its precursor research projects. The fact that two complete data collections – those of the 1979 and 1983 VOX election surveys – were lost illustrates the importance of this task. In doing so, Selects has intended to provide a database that facilitates otherwise troublesome longitudinal studies of Swiss elections and voting behaviour (Lachat 2004; Trechsel 1995). The product of these efforts is presented here: A pooled set of Swiss election survey data which covers the period between 1971 and 2019 and includes most of the variables that have been included at least twice in the data collections.
Election Surveys Used:
All the available Swiss election surveys were used to build up this database. Each of them is separately archived and documented at DARISS:
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in Switzerland 1971/72, conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13036/0/) Political Attitudes in Switzerland 1975 (Political Action), conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/10710/0/) National and Federal Council Elections 1979, conducted by the Department of Psychology, University of Zurich, on behalf of the Tages Anzeiger (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/2551/0/) National Elections 1987 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS National Elections 1991 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1995: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/1993/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1999: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/5937/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2003: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, St. Gall, and Zurich, DARIS and OVP/USTAT (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/11328/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2007: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, Lausanne, St. Gall, and Zurich, FORS, OVP/USTAT, FSO and the Federal Chancellery (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/8436/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2011: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/12631/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2015: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13882/0/) Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/16968/0/)
The VOX 1979 and 1983 survey data were lost. While the department of psychology of the University of Zurich did a parallel election study in 1979 which we used to substitute the former, there is absolutely no replacement for the latter. Thus we are left with 12 national elections over a period of 48 years so far.
Swiss national parliamentary elections are frequently considered "low salience" elections. On the one hand, the emphasis on direct democratic elements in the Swiss constitution provides citizens with extensive opportunities to exert institutionalized political influence beyond the parliamentary channel. On the other hand, shifts in political parties' electoral fortunes had not had any consequences for government composition between 1959 and 2003, due to an informal agreement called the "Zauberformel" (magic formula). The interest in national elections has thus been rather limited for a long time – not only on the part of the Swiss electorate (turnout between 1971 and 2019 has mostly been under 50%), but also on the part of academic electoral research: No single election survey had been conducted until the early 1970s.
After two initial surveys in the wake of the 1971 (Sidjanski et al. 1975) and 1975 federal elections (Barnes and Kaase 1979), the 1979 election witnessed the launching of the first VOX survey realized by the Swiss Society for Applied Social Research (GfS) and the University of Bern (Hertig 1980). Thereafter, VOX surveys have accompanied the subsequent federal elections of 1983, 1987 and 1991, and a booklet has been published on each of them (Longchamp 1984, 1988; Longchamp and Hardmeier 1992). Although the VOX surveys could have laid the foundation of a Swiss national election study, these data collection efforts did not trigger many follow-up secondary analyses. Scholars interested in voting behaviour still focused much more on referendums and initiatives than on parliamentary elections – as did the VOX surveys.
It was probably the growing polarization of Swiss politics and the rise of the populist right in the early 1990s that generated a new surge of interest in federal elections. The 1995 election constituted, in Peter Farago's (1995) words, a "new start" in this respect, with the formation of the Swiss Election Study (Selects) project, initially an association of the political science departments of the universities of Bern, Geneva and Zurich. Since then, large-scale surveys have been carried out within the framework of the Selects project for the federal elections of 1995 (Farago 1996; Kriesi et al. 1998), 1999 (Hirter 2000; Sciarini et al. 2003), 2003 (Selb and Lachat 2004; Bühlmann et al. 2006), 2007 (Lutz 2008), 2011 (Lutz 2012), 2015 (Lutz 2016) and 2019 (Tresch et al. 2020), finally resulting in not only a consolidation but also in a massive expansion of electoral research in Switzerland.
One of the primary aims of Selects has been to systematically combine the new survey data with data collected by its precursor research projects. The fact that two complete data collections – those of the 1979 and 1983 VOX election surveys – were lost illustrates the importance of this task. In doing so, Selects has intended to provide a database that facilitates otherwise troublesome longitudinal studies of Swiss elections and voting behaviour (Lachat 2004; Trechsel 1995). The product of these efforts is presented here: A pooled set of Swiss election survey data which covers the period between 1971 and 2019 and includes most of the variables that have been included at least twice in the data collections.
Election Surveys Used:
All the available Swiss election surveys were used to build up this database. Each of them is separately archived and documented at DARISS:
Political Attitudes and Behaviour in Switzerland 1971/72, conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13036/0/) Political Attitudes in Switzerland 1975 (Political Action), conducted by the Department of Political Science, University of Geneva (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/10710/0/) National and Federal Council Elections 1979, conducted by the Department of Psychology, University of Zurich, on behalf of the Tages Anzeiger (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/2551/0/) National Elections 1987 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS National Elections 1991 (VOX), conducted by the Research Center for Swiss Politics, University of Bern, and GfS Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1995: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/1993/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 1999: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, and Zurich (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/5937/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2003: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, St. Gall, and Zurich, DARIS and OVP/USTAT (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/11328/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2007: Post-Election Survey, conducted by the Departments of Political Science, Universities of Bern, Geneva, Lausanne, St. Gall, and Zurich, FORS, OVP/USTAT, FSO and the Federal Chancellery (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/8436/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2011: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/12631/0/) Swiss Electoral Studies (Selects) 2015: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/13882/0/) Swiss Election Study (Selects) 2019: Post-Election Survey, conducted by FORS (see https://forsbase.unil.ch/project/study-public-overview/16968/0/)
The VOX 1979 and 1983 survey data were lost. While the department of psychology of the University of Zurich did a parallel election study in 1979 which we used to substitute the former, there is absolutely no replacement for the latter. Thus we are left with 12 national elections over a period of 48 years so far.
Themen: Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Situation im Vergleich zu früher; Erwartungen an die zukünftige wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (Katona-Fragen); politisches Interesse; Parteipräferenz; Sympathie-Skalometer für CDU, SPD, FDP, NPD.
Demographie: Haushaltungsvorstand; Familienstand; Alter (klassiert); Berufstätigkeit; Beruf; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Religiosität; Konfession; Stärke der Parteipräferenz; politische Diskussion; Haushaltseinkommen (klassiert); Haushaltsgröße; Geschlecht; Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter.
Interviewerrating: Schichtzugehörigkeit des Befragten; Ortsgröße.
Themen: Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Situation im Vergleich zu früher; Erwartungen an die zukünftige wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (Katona-Fragen); politisches Interesse; Parteipräferenz; Sympathie-Skalometer für CDU, SPD, FDP, NPD; Bekanntheitsgrad der Ämter und Parteizugehörigkeit von Politikern.
Demographie: Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter; Haushaltungsvorstand; Familienstand; Alter (klassiert); Berufstätigkeit; Beruf; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Religiosität; Konfession; Stärke der Parteipräferenz; Haushaltseinkommen (klassiert); Haushaltsgröße; Wohnsituation; Geschlecht; Bundesland; Kinderzahl; Haushaltszusammensetzung.
Interviewerrating: Ortsgröße; Schichtzugehörigkeit des Befragten; Kooperationsbereitschaft des Befragten.
Themen: Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Situation im Vergleich zu früher; Erwartungen an die zukünftige wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (Katona-Fragen); politisches Wissen und Interesse; Parteipräferenz; Sympathie-Skalometer für CDU, SPD, FDP, NPD; Bekanntheitsgrad der Ämter und Parteizugehörigkeit von Politikern.
Demographie: Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter; Haushaltungsvorstand; Familienstand; Alter (klassiert); Berufstätigkeit; Beruf; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Religiosität; Konfession; Parteiidentifikation; Haushaltseinkommen; Haushaltsgröße; Wohnsituation; Geschlecht; Selbsteinschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit; Bundesland; Haushaltszusammensetzung; Alter der Kinder.
Interviewerrating: Art des Hauses; Ortsgröße; Schichtzugehörigkeit des Befragten; Kooperationsbereitschaft des Befragten.
Themen: Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Situation im Vergleich zu früher; Erwartungen an die zukünftige wirtschaftliche Entwicklung (Katona-Fragen); politisches Wissen; Parteipräferenz (Paarvergleich und Sympathiefrage); Parteiidentifikation; Sympathie-Skalometer für CDU, SPD, FDP, NPD sowie für die Politiker Schröder, Erhard, Mende, Barzel und Strauß; Einstellung zur Demokratie und Vergleich mit der Nazi-Zeit; Vertrauen in den Bundeskanzler; religiöse Bindung.
Themen: Sympathie-Skalometer für die SPD, CDU/CSU, und FDP; Sympathieverluste der Parteien seit der letzten Bundestagswahl; Parteipräferenz; präferierter und abgelehnter Bundeskanzler.
Demographie: Alter (klassiert); Geschlecht; Familienstand; Konfession; Religiosität; Schulbildung; Beruf; Berufstätigkeit; Einkommen; Haushaltseinkommen; Haushaltsgröße; Haushaltszusammensetzung; Haushaltungsvorstand; Bundesland; Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter.
Beurteilung von Parteien und Politikern. Wahluntersuchung im Hinblick auf die Bundestagswahl 1965.
Themen: Politisches Interesse; perzipierte Issue-Kompetenz der einzelnen Parteien; Einstellung zu Parteien allgemein; Sympathie-Skalometer für Parteien und Politiker; Beurteilung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung (Katona-Fragen); Religiosität; Mediennutzung; Parteipräferenz (Sonntagsfrage und Sympathiefrage); nichtwählbare Partei; Wahlverhalten bei der letzten Bundestagswahl; Mitgliedschaften.
Demographie: Besitz langlebiger Wirtschaftsgüter; Haushaltungsvorstand; Familienstand; Berufstätigkeit; Beruf; Alter (klassiert); Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Haushaltseinkommen (klassiert); Haushaltsgröße; Haushaltszusammensetzung; Religiosität; Konfession; Geschlecht; Bundesland.
Interviewerrating: Schichtzugehörigkeit des Befragten; Ortsgröße; Kooperationsbereitschaft des Befragten.
