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International audience ; During the end of the Middle Ages, while modern State was growing, kings spread political propaganda to support the increasing of their power and their wars against other countries. For Catalan-Aragonese monarchy, heiress of Frederik II, prophecy was a good mean of fighting against papacy and Angevins for the supremacy in Southern Italy. The religious dissidence of the kings of Aragon induced them to receive many spiritual Franciscans persecuted under John XXII and to create some insular utopias based on poverty in their own kingdoms. These friars were fond of joachite theories announcing that the end of the world was soon arriving. They believed on an emperor who would found universal monarchy with a peaceful millenium, after having annihilated decadent clerics, beaten Muslims and conquered Jerusalem. This kind of Antichrist or exterminator angel was personified in the king of Aragon, who took paradoxically advantage of the apocalyptic metaphors of the winged dragon, the bat, the eagle, the fire or the smoke. These negative images were used in Catalonia to affirm a primitive national identity, fighting behind the royal dynasty.

This article approaches the theme of messianism with a concern for the determination of its function. For this reason we refer to sociological theory to know if messianic movements are revolutionary or reformist. The controversy reignites the debate about their pretense at a utopic character and their pre-political nature. The intention is to show that this controversy directly or indirectly marked a substantial part of Brazilian sociological literature dedicated to the theme.

This article aims to explore the connection between the new 2013 Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation and Christian messianism in contemporary Russian intellectual thought. The 'conservative turn' in Russian politics is associated with the return to the cultural and political ideologeme of Katechon, which is proposed by several right-wing intellectuals as the basis for the Russia's new state ideology and foreign and security policy. The theological concept of Katechon (from the Greek o KateXon, 'the withholding') that protects the world from the advent of the Antichrist originates in the Byzantine Empire. In Russian tradition, this concept is presented in the well-known doctrine of Moscow as the Third Rome, dating back to the 16th century. The term 'Katechon' in contemporary Russian political discourse is relatively new and can be traced to the post-Soviet reception of Carl Schmitt's political theology. The concept of Russia as Katechon is directly connected to the national security and defence policy, because it is used as the ideological ground for the new wave of militarization and anti-Western sentiment, as well as for Russia's actions during the Ukrainian crisis. This analysis puts the internal political and cultural debate on Russia's role in international affairs and its relations with the West into historical perspective and demonstrates the right-wing intellectual circles' influence on the Kremlin's new domestic and foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

The doctrine of expectation is rooted in religious Messianism and it is considered the basis for the Reappearance of the Promised Mahdi (AS) and the forerunner of political and social developments in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. On the one hand, the Islamic Revolution has the task of paving the way and preparing the conditions for the Reappearance of the Savior and on the other hand, the doctrine of expectation paints a vision of a prosperous, just, secure, and peaceful society, hence the mission of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is to strive for the realization and formation of a "new Islamic civilization." This aim is realized by adopting the strategy of Islamic resistance against the system of domination and also the Islamic awakening and the export of the values and norms of the Islamic Revolution. The expansion of the depth of Iran's strategic influence in the Islamic world is a sign of the realization of this civilization-building mission.

This essay analyzes the following constellation of concepts from a theological-philosophical perspective: "state of exception," "bare life," and "the remnant." Recently employed in the work of Giorgio Agamben, none of these concepts is his own coinage. Agamben borrowed "state of exception" from Carl Schmitt's Political Theology, "bare life" from Walter Benjamin's "Critique of Violence," and "the remnant" from biblical sources, which include Isaiah and the letters of Saint Paul. Nevertheless, the reappearance of these concepts within Agamben's constellation provides each with an altered meaning, which emerges only through interplay with the others. [Excerpt provided by TELOS]. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is straightforward: to present two clarifications of Hannah- Arendt's seasoned political concept of natality and to conclude by positioning this new account of natality within the context of the climate crisis. In many ways, this concluding section, where natality is read as a form of historical emancipation, hinges on the degree to which I succeed in reframing existing conversations around natality. In the first instance I submit an 'earthly reading' of natality before turning to discuss the historical implications of this 're-earthed' natality as enacting a form of weak messianism akin to that of Walter Benjamin. Rethinking natality in this way, I present an account of Arendt's work as always already inclined towards the issues brought to light in the climate crisis. And so, while the forms of emancipation and redemption that I locate in natality may already be commonly read in natal actions, which break spontaneously into the world and recall the originality of appearance, I nevertheless contend that its political implications reach new grounds with the revisions that I offer in the body of my article. By way of conclusion, I join critical Anthropocene theorists in contending with the 'slow violence', 'willed racial blindness' and 'crises of the imagination' that the climate crisis elicits. This is the setting that sits behind my intervention into natality and, in turn, it is this setting that I suggest can be illuminated through the weak messianism of a 're-earthed' natality. Arguing for Arendt's latent consideration of the earth, I hope to expose the ruined fragments of the past that shape the present crisis and gesture towards their radical redemption. If I succeed in showing that natality can be used as a resource to rethink both the prehistory and the present of the climate crisis then I will have achieved a reorientation in thinking about Arendt's politics. Which is merely to say that I will have revealed concerns for the earth as intrinsic to natal actions and, in turn, their appearance as messianic disruptions on the earth. Prompted by the need to think critically about the historical appearance of the climate crisis whilst retaining, at the same time, the injunction to think expansively about future action – that is, as not determined exclusively by the violence of the climate crisis – this article defends a reconsideration of natality as a form of critical historical intervention. Formulating this reconstruction is then 'operationalised' in the concluding section where I invoke its revolutionary force in remapping the history of the climate crisis.

Anti-separatism and messianism in Quebec since 1960Confronted by a political debate now omnipresent in Quebec society, observers have naturally focused their attention – academic or not – on the content and proponents of the "séparatiste" solution to the current Canadian dilemma. Our contention is that it takes two sides to have a debate and that some light could be thrown on the intellectual history of French Canada by reversing the perspective and focusing instead on those who oppose independence for Quebec: the anti-separatists.Although widely diversified as to the specifics of their opposition and as to their own solution to the problem, anti-separatists nevertheless share certain ideological traits in their portrait of the French-Canadian Homus and in the characteristics and roles which they assigned to the French-Canadian collectivity. Individually, French Canadians are judged to be weak, unstable, verbose, and un-democratic; as a collectivity they are perceived as fulfilling all the requirements of a "chosen" people whose mission it is to reconquer Canada through the strength of their intellect and to show the world an example of binational co-operation.This schizophrenic vision of French Canada is hypothesized to be a secularized version of the traditional nationalist vision first enunciated by Garneau and Parent and later developed by Groulx, Barbeau, and others. The persistence of this messianic orientation in the intellectual history of French Canada is tentatively explained through the contributions of the sociology of utopia (French Canada as an aborted utopia) and of the sociology of colonial development (French Canada as a colonial society).

This article describes some of the central tendencies of Maimonides' prophecy and messianic thinking. Through two of the central moments of Jewish history, the political theology of the author is unraveled as the transit between the reception of the law and its integral fulfillment. ; En el presente artículo se describen algunas de las tendencias centrales tanto de la profetología como del pensamiento mesiánico de Maimónides. A través de dos de los momentos centrales de la historia judía, se desentraña la teología política del autor como el transitar entre la recepción de la ley y su cumplimiento integral.

El presente trabajo intenta realizar una lectura del pensamiento de Emmanuel levinas a trav.s de su .tica y, en particular, de su concepci.n de lo mesi.nico. Para ello, indagaremos dos caminos diferentes en torno a la figura del rostro: por un lado, su herencia fenomenol.gica, por otro lado, sus ra.ces judaicas. Hacia el final del trabajo sostendremos que el mesianismo levinasiano posee el car.cter de lo impol.tico, esto es, de un pensamiento que intenta trascender los umbrales de lo pol.tico hacia consideraciones cr.ticas. ; This paper tries to perform a reading of emmanuel levinas through its ethics and, in particular, his conception of the Messianic. To do so, delving two different ways on the 'face' notion: on the one hand, its phenomenological heritage, on the other hand, their Jewish roots. Towards the end of the work we support that levinasian Messianism has the character of impolitic, i.e., of a thought that attempts to transcend the threshold of political towards a critical considerations.

The article offers a critical overview of nine views common in academia related to Russian messianism. The main premise of messianism which is important for its political dimension, is: Providence has a plan along which History unfolds, and in this plan the chosen one (individual or collective) has a special role to play (mission). Under «mission» we understand that a certain community (state/nation) is exceptional and that this exceptionality manifests itself in its special destiny. I discern three distinctive, but interconnected, features of «mission»: (1) the conviction of having a special destiny, (2) a sense of moral superiority, (3) the conviction that the state's activity is motivated not only by its own national interest but also by a higher cause important for a broader (regional, global etc.) community. The first two components of mission express exceptionalism of the mission-beholder, while the third component refers to the universalistic nature of the calling.This selection of nine views is not a complete catalogue but it does include the core concepts that may be encountered while reading about Russian messianism. The article seeks to verify and put in order the existing body of knowledge on this topic. The critical verification is based on the material that comes from two main sources. The first is the existing body of academic literature (in English and Russian) which is used to identify and cross-examine the views circulating among academia. The second source comes with the material gathered as a result of the content and discourse analysis of the official statements of Vladimir Putin. The article is structuralised along the enumeration of nine popular views on Russian messianism. Each view is critically combined with the academic literature and the empirical data. The views discussed in the article tend to essentialise Russian messianism and essentialise Russia as well.

Through a textual and contextual analysis of Martin Buber's scholarly disquisition, Königtum Gottes (1932), the article focuses on his critique of political Messianism. This critique is addressed to his friends who participated in the Bavarian Revolution of 1918/19, the political theology of Friedrich Gogarten and Carl Schmitt, and given trends in Zionism. This article discusses the affinities of Buber's critique of political Messianism with that of Max Weber who like Buber called for a political and ethical re-valorization of the everyday. This call is contrasted with Walter Benjamin's political Messianism, whose dialectic in effect endorses a similar ethos.