Suchergebnisse

An exploration of Nobel Laureate poet Seamus Heaney's emphasis on poetry as a mediator in societies engaged seeking transitional justice focuses on, The Cure at Troy (1990), his adaptation of Sophocles' 5th century play Philoctetes set in Northern Ireland. The poem, which promises "hope & history rhyming," was widely circulated after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 & gained social prominence during the 1990s peace process in Northern Ireland. The storyline of the Greek play is related to provide the context for The Cure at Troy which is often read as an allegory for the suffering surrounding the Northern Ireland "troubles." Attention is given to the poem's movement from historical suffering to miracles, cures, & "healing wells." The imagined possibility of hope in the presence of historical outrages "touches a deep chord in a contemporary audience sated on perpetual news of the catastrophes of history." Heaney's call to believe in miracles & cures is said to offer a "conception of history balanced by justice.". J. Lindroth

Ethnicity remains one of the most salient layers of individuals' social identities, and information about the distribution of ethnic identities turns out to be crucial for many studies that investigate political or social processes in divided societies. In the aftermath of civil wars, however, censuses providing such data are controversial and often delayed. Where census data are lacking, researchers can make use of the multiplier method to infer the distribution of ethnic identities based on indirect observations from sub-samples of the population. However, due to the selective nature of their data, the sub-samples might not be representative of the population. This paper proposes a method, which corrects for such selection effects. Based on the ethnic identity of birth-giving parents, the authors estimate the distribution of ethnic identities in the municipalities of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina for 2008–2010. They correct for possible selection biases by including economic, demographic and war-related variables. Multiple tests of validity show that this estimation appears to be the most accurate procedure currently available for the distribution of ethnic identities in municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This special issue examines the interplay between reconciliation in postconflict societies and alternative mechanisms of political accommodation. In our introductory article, we define and explore the central concepts used in post-conflict studies while investigating the potential linkages between reconciliation and federal or power-sharing arrangements. We argue that addressing issues of justice, reconciliation and amnesty in the aftermath of conflict frequently facilitates cooperation in establishing successful institutional mechanisms at the political level. We also examine the degree to which reconciliation at the grassroots level should be seen as a prerequisite of consolidating power-sharing arrangements among elites particularly in the form of federal agreements. Finally, we discuss the individual contributions to the special issue and highlight the importance of incorporating insights from the literature of transitional justice and post-conflict reconciliation to the study and practice of federalism.

The paper researches the influences which consociational democracy institutions have on the processes of pacification and democratization in post conflict societies. The introductory part identifies two approaches to studying consociational democracy: the first, which recommends consociational democracy as a desirable democratic model for deeply divided societies, and the second, which sees consociation exclusively as a successful mechanism for managing conflicts without high democratic potentials. Both approaches are examined in the example of post conflict societies. There is an opinion that the basic function of consociational institutions in post conflict societies is to prevent the reoccurrence of violence, and not the development of democracy. ; Tekst se bavi istraživanjem uticaja koji institucije konsocijativne demokratije imaju na procese pacifikacije i demokratizacije u post-konfliktnim društvima. U uvodnom delu identifikuju se dva pristupa u izučavanju konsocijativne demokratije: prvi, koji konsocijativnu demokratiju preporučuje kao poželjan demokratski model za duboko podeljena društava i drugi koji konsocijaciju posmatra isključivo kao uspešan mehanizam upravljanja konfliktima bez visokih demokratskih potencijala. Oba stanovišta se potom ispituju na primeru post-konfliktnih društava. Zastupa se teza da je osnovna funkcija konsocijativnih institucija u post-konfliktnim društvima sprečavanje obnove nasilja, a ne izgradnja demokratije.

"Am 31. Juli 2007 hat der UN-Sicherheitsrat beschlossen, eine 26.000 Mann starke Friedenstruppe nach Darfur zu entsenden, die dort eine Mission der Afrikanischen Union ablöst. Das sind 9.000 Mann mehr als bei der bisher größten UN-Friedenstruppe in Afrika, der Mission de l'Organisation des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo (MONUC) in der DR Kongo. Seit 1989 hat die Zahl internationaler Militärinterventionen in Postkonfliktgesellschaften drastisch zugenommen. Zu den Zielen dieser Interventionen gehört auch immer eine Unterbrechung der Kampfhandlungen. Dies geschieht dann, wenn es den Interventionstruppen gelingt, den Sicherheitsmarkt zu monopolisieren. Dafür stehen die Aussichten gut, wenn alle Konfliktparteien einem Friedensabkommen und einem Entwaffnungsprogramm zugestimmt haben. Das ist aber längst nicht immer der Fall. Die Erwartungen an Interventionsstreitkräfte sollten nicht überfrachtet werden. Bestenfalls ist eine kurzfristige Befriedung möglich, die die Grundlage für eine langfristige Transformation der Gewaltstrukturen bietet. Auf dem Sicherheitsmarkt treten Interventionskräfte parallel zu einheimischen Akteuren auf, die für die Bürger wichtige Schutzgaranten darstellen könnten. Ein inklusives Friedensabkommen ist eine Grundvoraussetzung für eine gewaltfreie Postkonfliktordnung. Liegt dies nicht vor, ist eine deutlich stärkere militärische Präsenz notwendig, um die Konfliktparteien abzuschrecken. Wo Friedensabkommen oder Entwaffnungsprogramme fehlen, können Interventionstruppen den Konflikt bestenfalls 'einfrieren', jedoch nicht überwinden. Spätestens nach ihrem Abzug wird der Konflikt erneut ausbrechen." (Autorenreferat)

Researchers in peace and conflict studies have rarely focused on time and temporality. This article seeks to extend the literature on the politics of victimhood by examining the context of a mature post-transition society, drawing on qualitative research with victims/survivors of gross human rights violations in South Africa. Two decades after the democratic transition, there is a prevalent understanding that it is finally time for victims to 'move on'. In contrast to the supposed linear temporality of peace processes however, the consequences of past violence continue to impact on interviewees' lives and are exacerbated by contemporary experiences of victimisation. I identify several areas of temporal conflict that characterise post-conflict societies: victimhood as temporary/ victimhood as continuous; the pace of national reconciliation/ the time(s) of individual healing; and the speed of a neoliberal economy/ the pace of social transformation. I also examine temporal inequalities that reflect broader socio-economic marginalisation, such as being made to wait for reparations. This temporal analysis of victimhood not only highlights the mismatch between victims' perceptions and needs and the expectations of broader society, but it also draws attention to the temporality of transitional processes and programmes at different social and institutional levels.