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It is noted that although a third of the "axis of evil" is now occupied by US forces, the other two thirds -- North Korea & Iran -- remain clear threats to US interests, & that thus far, the Bush administration has consistently shown that it prefers to respond to these threats by working towards regime change rather than through any other means. This article examines the option of regime change as a foreign policy centerpiece, as well as alternative options including regime change's cousin, regime "evolution," military means, diplomacy, & the acceptance of nuclear proliferation. Focusing on the threat of nuclear proliferation & development in Iran & North Korea, it is argued that the strategy of regime change works too slowly to remain the centerpiece of US foreign policy regarding international threats. It is concluded that diplomacy should be the heart of the US policy toward both countries, & that regime change is best viewed as a complement to diplomacy & deterrence. T. K. Brown

Die Analyse des Vordenkers Gene Sharp zum Thema "Regime Change" gilt als Blaupause für Bewegungen, die einen Politikwechsel anstreben. Eine Infragestellung des Systems ist dafür nicht notwendig. Aber strategisch denken muß, wer die politischen Leitgedanken innerhalb der bestehenden Ordnung fundamental verändern will. Mitten in den europaweiten Aufbruch und erfolgreichen Durchbruch rechter und konservativer Politik hinein liefern wir die Übertragung erprobter Ansätze auf unsere Lage. Martin Sellner hat nicht nur Sharp gelesen und verstanden, sondern viele andere strategische Ansätze. Er bündelt sie, gleicht sie mit seinen Erfahrungen als Kopf der Identitären Bewegung ab, analysiert die Lage und formuliert den Fahrplan für einen Regime Change von rechts. Leitstrategie, Non-Strategie, Parlamentspatriotismus, Militanz, Remigration, Reconquista - noch nie ist rechts der Mitte so planmäßig und professionell über Chance, Durchhaltevermögen, Bündelung und Zusammenspiel der Kräfte nachgedacht worden. Sellner lädt zur Debatte ein und formuliert Verhaltenslehren, die sich jeder aneignen sollte, der sich ernsthaft am Kampf um die gute Zukunft unseres Landes beteiligen möchte. (Verlagstext)

Regime change and foreign policy adjustments have been closely intertwined in Myanmar's recent experience. Since 2011, domestic political transition has been paralleled by changes in the country's foreign policy posture, with Naypyitaw reconsidering its dependence on Beijing while seeking rapprochement with Washington. Taking Myanmar as a case study, this essay aims to address the theoretical issue of how regime change influences the foreign policy of a country. The first two sections draw on Foreign Policy Analysis and Comparative Politics to develop an analytical framework for the study of foreign policy choices during regime change. The focus is on how transitional politics interacts with external influence, against the background of loosened distinctions between the domestic and international levels. The last two sections test the analytical framework against the ups and downs of Myanmar's economic cooperation with China. Two decisions of the Myanmar government are analysed: the 2011 decision to suspend cooperation on the Myitsone dam, and the 2012 decision to continue cooperation on the Letpadaung mine. While apparently contradictory, Naypyitaw's behaviour on these two occasions helps to unravel the dilemmas that foreign policy decision-makers face at times of political transition.

"Violent Regime Change: Causes and Consequences" published on by Oxford University Press.

Preliminary Material /M. Dieleman , J. Koning and P. Post -- Chapter One. Chinese Indonesians And Regime Change: Alternative Perspectives /Marleen Dieleman , Juliette Koning and Peter Post -- Chapter Two. Business, Belief, And Belonging: Small Business Owners And Conversion To Charismatic Christianity /Juliette Koning -- Chapter Three. Assimilation, Differentiation, And Depoliticization: Chinese Indonesians And The Ministry Of Home Affairs In Suharto's Indonesia /Nobuhiro Aizawa -- Chapter Four. Diversity In Compliance: Yogyakarta Chinese And The New Order Assimilation Policy /Andreas Susanto -- Chapter Five. The Chinese Connection: Rewriting Journalism And Social Categories In Indonesian History /Nobuto Yamamoto -- Chapter Six. The Loa Joe Djin-Case: A Trigger To Change /Patricia Tjiook-Liem -- Chapter Seven. Crisis Management And Creative Adjustment: Margo-Redjo In The 1930s /Alexander Claver -- Chapter Eight. The Oei Tiong Ham Concern And The Change Of Regimes In Indonesia, 1931-1950 /Peter Post -- Chapter Nine. Continuous And Discontinuous Change In Ethnic Chinese Business Networks: The Case Of The Salim Group /Marleen Dieleman -- Index /M. Dieleman , J. Koning and P. Post.

This paper has several research objectives. They are related to the description of the position of the military in the non-democratic regime in Tunisia, as well as to the clarification of its role in the overthrow of the regime, that is, to the identification of the causal factors that determine the military role during uprisings. The purpose of this paper is to show that the support of the military or its neutral position during such uprisings represents necessary condition for success of transition from a non-democratic regime. Applying two-level model of analyses based on the strategic approach to transition, we concluded that the nature of civil-military relations in the previous regime and the nature of protest determine the role of the military in the uprisings. In other words, the character of the previous non-democratic regime and the initiators of transition settle the model and the results of transition, and its consolidation.

Argues that President George W. Bush's goal of conquering Iraq may result in dramatically increasing the number of recruits to al Qaeda & inciting Islamic terrorism throughout the Arab world. The Left is challenged to restrain the establishment from this horrific military adventure while not allowing the peace movement to be hijacked by undemocratic forces. While raising the flag of anti-imperialist solidarity, it must also promote democratic struggles against Arab dictators & aspiring Islamic tyrants. The Left supports the national rights of Palestinians, Kurds, Lebanese, Sudanese Blacks, & North African Berbers as well as free speech rights for Arab workers, Arab feminists, & freedom of conscience regardless of religious or nonreligious orientation. L. A. Hoffman

Abstract
The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a 'judicial overhaul' in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a 'reform' by supporters and a 'coup' by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

"This book analyses Myanmar's contemporary political history, arguing that Myanmar's so-called "democratization" has always been a calculated regime transition, planned by the military, with every intention for the military to remain the key permanent political actor in Myanmar's political regime. Using Myanmar's regime change since 2011 as an extended case study, the book offers an original theory of regime transition. The author argues that Myanmar's ongoing regime transition has not diverged from its authoritarian military root and explains how the military has long planned its voluntary partial withdrawal from direct politics. As a consequence, Myanmar's "disciplined democracy" contains features of democratic politics, but at its core, remains authoritarian. Providing an original contribution to the theoretical literature on regime change by developing a theory of trial and error regime transition, the book engages with and challenges the popular democratization theory by arguing that this theory does not sufficiently explain hybrid regimes or authoritarian durability. Additionally, the book adds to an alternative understanding of how the regime transition was initiated by examining the historical evolution of Myanmar's post-colonial regime and offers a fresh perspective on contemporary political developments in Myanmar. An important contribution to the study of authoritarian durability and the dynamics of regime change in Southeast Asia, this book will be of interest to academic researchers of comparative politics, international relations, and Southeast Asian studies."--

States seldom resort to war to overthrow their adversaries. They are more likely to attempt to covertly change the opposing regime, by assassinating a foreign leader, sponsoring a coup d'état, meddling in a democratic election, or secretly aiding foreign dissident groups.In Covert Regime Change, Lindsey A. O'Rourke shows us how states really act when trying to overthrow another state. She argues that conventional focus on overt cases misses the basic causes of regime change. O'Rourke provides substantive evidence of types of security interests that drive states to intervene. Offensive operations aim to overthrow a current military rival or break up a rival alliance. Preventive operations seek to stop a state from taking certain actions, such as joining a rival alliance, that may make them a future security threat. Hegemonic operations try to maintain a hierarchical relationship between the intervening state and the target government. Despite the prevalence of covert attempts at regime change, most operations fail to remain covert and spark blowback in unanticipated ways.Covert Regime Change assembles an original dataset of all American regime change operations during the Cold War. This fund of information shows the United States was ten times more likely to try covert rather than overt regime change during the Cold War. Her dataset allows O'Rourke to address three foundational questions: What motivates states to attempt foreign regime change? Why do states prefer to conduct these operations covertly rather than overtly? How successful are such missions in achieving their foreign policy goals?