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Offenses against the state fall into 2 categories: conduct inimical to the very existence of gov, & offenses which affect the orderly & just administration of public business. Treason, which shades into sedition or advocacy of overthrow, & espionage are examples of the former. Although the US Constitution was designed to limit the definition of treason to exclude 'constructive treason' as used in England, sedition laws giving similar effect have been passed in times of crisis. First Amendment problems have made prosecutions for subversive activities of livelier interest in constitutional than in criminal law. Examples of offenses which obstruct gov'al operations include perjury, bribery & corruption, & criminal libel & contempt by publication. Convictions for actions to obstruct are generally difficult to obtain. Prosecution for perjury, however, has been undertaken in a number of cases in which the statute of limitations proscribed prosecution for espionage or a more serious charge or where a conviction on another charge could not be obtained. It has always been difficult to delineate satisfactorily free pol'al activity & extralegal conspiracy contemplating force & arms rather than persuasion & the ballot. To the credit of US pol'al institutions, patriotic excesses, popular, legislative, or admin've, have generally been checked by an independent bar & an independent judiciary, & criticism of gov'al action which jeopardizes pol'al liberty if freely voiced in Congress, the courts, & the press. AA.

Explores how elements of the state are connected to civil society, & how elements of civil society are not merely affected by, but are seated in, the state. Privileged place is given to capitalist phenomena. An examination of clashing theoretical views of civil society is followed by critical evaluations of contemporary Africanists. Briefly discussed is the Senegalese-Mauritanian conflict, emphasizing its bearing on the evolution of capitalism & democracy in Africa. Adapted from the source document.

The prevalence of despotism in the premodern Middle East is linked with the need of rulers to maintain centralized authority in a hostile environment. The idea of oriental despotism was invented by European political thinkers to critique European politics. The image of an absolute ruler who holds sway over a society lacking any public, civil life is not an accurate depiction of the premodern Middle East. While no tradition of political citizenship developed in the Middle East, & a strong antipathy toward rulers & political roles was pervasive, the populous was never merely submissive or docile. The values of egalitarianism, competitive individualism, & responsible independence prevailed on the local level in both rural & urban settings. It is argued that while despotism was the rule at the national level, Middle Eastern societies evinced a high level of autonomy & democratic participation at the local level. Ernest Gellner's Khaldunian model (1981) of center-periphery oscillation in Middle Eastern culture is extended to consider the central importance of Mohammed's historical emergence. 60 References. H. von Rautenfeld

The importance of new civil society organizations for creating & maintaining democracy in Africa has been greatly overstated. The conventional view is that new autonomous, interest-specific, & rule-respecting associations can liberalize authoritarian states & sustain democratic governance, but this view idealizes Western practices & overlooks defects in the outdated pluralist argument for Africa, particularly in light of its inequalities of access, difficulties in responding to problems of collective action, & lack of local finance. However, because of the paradoxical position of the state in civil society, the problem of creating civil society organizations powerful enough to force the state into democratic reform might weaken the state. Excluding aggressive organizations such as ethnic or religious associations on the grounds that they are uncivic is myopic. If associations that are both strong & democratically oriented were created, they would challenge the capacity of state institutions to reconcile interests. A broader strategy of governance that takes into account both building civil society & assisting political institutions is more likely to contribute to democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Uses Ernest Gellner's (1994) definition of civil society to examine the relationship between the Russian state and civil society and the development of the latter in the post-Soviet period. Attention is given to tensions between Russian President Vladimir Putin's rhetoric and actions regarding civil society development and the consolidation of his power, as well as to the performance of political parties in the 2003 Duma elections.

A review essay on books by (1) A. G. Mazur, Theorizing Feminist Policy (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2002); (2) A. G. Mazur (Ed), State Feminism, Women's Movements and Job Training: Making Democracies Work in a Global Economy (New York: Routledge, 2001); (3) D. M. Stetson (Ed), Abortion Politics, Women's Movements and the Democratic State: A Comparative Study of State Feminism (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2001); & (4) S. L. Weldon, Protest, Policy and the Problem of Violence Against Women: A Cross-National Comparison (Pittsburgh, PA: Pittsburgh U Press, 2002). 18 References.

There has been much debate on the character of relations between state and society in post-communist democratic transition in East Central Europe. Approaches range from applications of corporatist theory to analyses in terms of the weakness of civil society in ECE. However, the findings of surveys of Hungarian interest group leaders conducted between 1994 and 2001 suggest that if evidence is sought on interconnections between interest group leaders and the state, and if connections beyond those provided by formal tripartite organizations are studied, arguments concerning the weakness of civil society are called into question, and at least should be qualified. Adapted from the source document.

Traces the trajectory of autonomization achieved &/or attempted in postcolonial & postcommunist societies, identifying implications for theory construction. It is argued that, when mobilizing for change, privileging either state, civil society, or market is rash. With reference to India, it is shown how the current tendency of privileging civil society as the sole agency to reestablish democratic values -- thereby relegating the state to the background -- may foment serious intergroup conflicts. The recently initiated process of economic liberalization in postcolonial democratic societies, on the other hand, often ignores nonmarket & nonstate entities. It is suggested that only an equipoise between state, society, & market can produce a good society. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Data collected during fieldwork, 1978-1991, are drawn on to discuss the highly gendered nature of civil society & the private-public dichotomy in Jordan & Syria. Middle Eastern states have traditionally reinforced the strict division between male/public & female/private spheres, &, in times of political upheaval, women have been able to exploit their traditional absence in the public sphere by participating in protests & performing tasks that would have led to death for men. However, recent attempts at political & economic liberalization have complicated these traditionally gendered conceptions of the public & private spheres, & women are increasingly called on to contribute to national political & economic growth. Despite the limited symbolic gains associated with such efforts, women have been (1) depicted as backward & detrimental to growth, (2) required to serve the public interests while maintaining all of their private duties, & (3) made even more dependent on male breadwinners. It is concluded that meaningful participation in civil society still eludes most Syrian & Jordanian women. 34 References. T. Sevier

This article investigates the concept of civil society. It argues that the recent celebration of the concept as the domain of freedom & justice & as a panacea for the ills of state-led development models has underestimated its inherent weaknesses & limitations. The portrayal of the concept in both academic & policy circles is often based on ideological convictions & uncritical adulation rather than empirical evidence & rigorous analysis. Tracing the historical development of the concept, the article provides an alternative view of the conflictual, often reactionary nature of civil society organizations. The Egyptian case offers empirical demonstration of how the state is no longer the prime authoritarian force in repressing civil society organization. Instead, civil society has become an arena for political conflict & its organizations have been seized by representatives of contending political programs that often resort to violence & repression to suppress other groups within civil society. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.