Suchergebnisse

Changes that have occurred in 1989–1991 ended the bipolar division of the world and commenced a new wave democratic transformation. In the early 1990s, the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) brought a number of changes to the region. Some of the changes were decided via the referendum which seems to be an exceptionally important tool in the process of democratic transformations in CEE. The article focuses on the institution of a nation-wide referendum in successor states of former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia. The main purpose is to provide an answer to the question about the role of this particular tool in these states and define directions for further use of referendum in this part of Europe. To meet its research objective, the article uses systemic analysis and institutional and legal approach, and statistics on results of national referendums in the countries concerned. ; Zmiany, które nastąpiły w latach 1989–1991, zakończyły dwubiegunowy podział świata i zapoczątkowały nową falę demokratycznych przemian. Na początku lat 90. rozpad Socjalistycznej Federalnej Republiki Jugosławii (SFRJ) przyniósł szereg zmian w regionie. O niektórych z nich zadecydowano w drodze referendum, które wydaje się być niezwykle ważnym narzędziem w procesie przemian demokratycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Artykuł koncentruje się na instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w państwach sukcesorach byłej Jugosławii: Bośni i Hercegowinie, Chorwacji, Czarnogórze, Kosowie, Macedonii Północnej, Serbii i Słowenii. Głównym celem artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę tego szczególnego narzędzia w tych państwach oraz określenie kierunków dalszego wykorzystania referendum w tej części Europy. Aby zrealizować cel badawczy, w artykule wykorzystano analizę systemową i podejście instytucjonalno-prawne oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące wyników referendów ogólnokrajowych w omawianych państwach.

How Milošević's empire-building completed the process of national homogenization in the successor states of Yugoslavia and brought this part of the Balkan region in conformity with the modernity's prescription of national statehood.

It is the unalterable fate and the inevitable risk of any debt that its value is closely connected with the fate and actions of the debtor whose assets are subject to the liability. This applies especially to the public debts of a belligerent state whose wealth and resources, and sometimes its very existence, are at stake. The domestic laws of almost every civilized country protect the creditor against the effects of legal changes and of non-remunerative mutations affecting all or an important portion of the property subject to the liability. This liability remains with the transferred property. To a certain extent it is legally vested in the person who succeeds to the property rights.

The formation of fifteen nation states on the territory of the former Soviet Union poses a series of challenges to specialists in Soviet nationalities. They are asked to pronounce on the degree of stability which the new states will enjoy and assess the dangers (mainly military) and the opportunities (mainly economic) that have arisen. The background of preconceptions about nationalism on which such judgements are based is usually characterized by an ambivalence, stemming from a feeling that the dissolution of the Soviet empire into nation states was somehow natural and inevitable, and also by the condescension of mature and powerful states which believe they have outgrown nationalism and the possibly dangerous antics of their younger brothers. Consequently, analysis of the post-Soviet scene produces tentative or confused results. This article attempts to apply a common framework of analysis across all the republics of the former Soviet Union to identify some of the broad but discrete trends which the future development of these states might take. The reader will quite reasonably question whether it makes sense to compare Estonia with Tajikistan or Russia with Moldavia. In reply, it could be argued that political scientists have been presented with an unprecedented opportunity to compare states with very different historical and cultural traditions but which, by virtue of their having been part of the Soviet Union, share remarkably similar political and social structures.