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Scientific Colloquium from 18 to 21 June 1992 in Weimar at the University of Architecture and Construction on: 'Architecture and power' ; Wissenschaftliches Kolloquium vom 18. bis 21. Juni 1992 in Weimar an der Hochschule für Architektur und Bauwesen zum Thema: 'Architektur und Macht'

In this monograph, the historical evolution of the Mozambican press is linked to the evolution of the national political context. What role did the press play under the authoritarian regime? How did the press fare during the democratic transition? How did the media contribute to mould a vision of political events? This new issue of IFAS Working Papers sheds light on these questions by relying on in-depth analyses of the relationship between the media, the government in power and public opinion in the context of the democratic transition of Mozambique during the 1990s, thus raising the question of expansion of an independent Mozambican press as a sine qua non condition for the democratic development of the country.

Arab regimes have adopted three types of attitude towards the rising force of islamist movements: eradication, selective cooptation and inclusion. We will particularly focus on the inclusion strategy, which offers the most interesting material to observe how islamist forces do react when they are put to the test of democratic participation.

This paper analyzes how democratization in Southeast Asia has led to the politicization of social and economic inequalities since the 1990s. Drawing on political attitudes surveys, we document how historical legacies, the structure of inequality, and institutional dynamics contributed to differentially structure political cleavages in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. Ethnic inequalities in Malaysia and regional inequalities in Thailand played a key role in fostering the emergence of strong class divides in these two countries. In Indonesia, by contrast, the rise of new parties mainly used as political vehicles to support their leaders has eroded pre-existing religious and socioeconomic cleavages. The Philippines' highly unstable party system led to a third trajectory, whereby class divides have been strong, but have lacked the conditions required for their institutionalization and stabilization over time. We are grateful to Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, Dirk Tomsa, and Andreas Ufen for their useful comments.

Peer Reviewed ; A significant portion of the agricultural food sector today is geared towards developing sustainable and organically based products, contributing to a widely acknowledged 'quality turn' in food markets (Goodman 2004). Organic viticulture is booming worldwide, having increased threefold between 2004 and 2015 (Willer and Lernoud 2016). Consumers are willing to pay a premium for wines deriving from organic vineyards in the belief that they are healthier, tastier, and of higher quality, although the differences between organic, biodynamic, or sulfite free wines remains confusing for many (Amato et al. 2017). In exploring this paradigm shift, current research addresses the question of how organic wines can provide increased value given the lack of clarity about the full list of ingredient and qualities (Krzywoszynska 2015; Delmas et al. 2016). This question is fundamental to understanding the process of assessing qualities and singularities in the commercialization of wine, a central debate in the interaction between nature and culture pervading most scholarship on wine (e.g., Bourdieu 1984; Charters 2006; Smith 2006). The breadth of supply and the democratization of consumption in an 'age of omnivorousness' encourages the need to empirically establish the specifics and logics of differentiation in the wine market (Maguire 2016). Empirical studies demonstrate that standardized wines in saturated, mature, global markets fail to satisfy a group of consumers who are looking for a differentiated product and willing to pay for it (Aylward 2008, 2011). Consumers are willing to pay for organic wines even though some of them are rejected by the various quality control systems established by geographical indications of origin and other certification bodies, or in spite of their variability in flavor due to low levels of sulfur dioxide, an antioxidant that favors their stability and conservation (Teil 2013). ; This work was supported by the Grupo de EstudiosTerritoriales (Universida de da Coruña), ...

The installation of a tram in Caen is a good example of both top-down and sometimes bottom-up planning. Moreover, it is a good example of urban and social transformations. The aim of this text is to show how actors, in the broadest sense, evolve over a period of 20 years: local politicians, state, planners, urban planners, users, transport unions, private companies, advocacy associations, etc. This text aims to show the difficulties in democratising planning and what is known as public participation. If it is accepted that the co-construction of a development project involving all stakeholders is an essential element for its success, it should also be pointed out that in the event of a conflict the risks of blocking and delaying implementation are not to be underestimated. In Caen, tramway involves important territorial transformations: it connects popular peripherals to the city centre and opens a new urban phase with the emergence of almost non-existent urbanity. Urban popularities are redefined. Moreover, it strengthens some form of social cohesion in the sense of symbolic and material rapprochement between socially differentiated neighbourhoods. However, the technical problems associated with technological innovation and the resulting local political conflicts have led to widespread dissatisfaction among the population. ; International audience ; The installation of a tram in Caen is a good example of both top-down and sometimes bottom-up planning. Moreover, it is a good example of urban and social transformations. The aim of this text is to show how actors, in the broadest sense, evolve over a period of 20 years: local politicians, state, planners, urban planners, users, transport unions, private companies, advocacy associations, etc. This text aims to show the difficulties in democratising planning and what is known as public participation. If it is accepted that the co-construction of a development project involving all stakeholders is an essential element for its success, it should also be pointed out ...

This text is the result of an exploratory mission carried out in July 2016 to better understand the challenges and challenges of the Myanmar "Transitional Government", which has been in place since November 2015. It also incorporates various events that have marked Burmese political events since that date. Given the very limited duration of this mission, it does not constitute a scientific text as such, but proposes some reading keys to decipher the complexity of this country with more than 40 million inhabitants, which has been undergoing democratic transition for several years. It focuses in particular on the challenges of the ethics of non-violence in a war region, the socio-economic challenges of a country that remains one of the poorest in Southeast Asia, the history and future of Burmese civil society, and the humanitarian tragedy of the Rohingya. He concluded with a few proposals for the action. ; Ce texte est le fruit d'une mission exploratoire menée en juillet 2016 pour mieux comprendre les enjeux et défis du « gouvernement de transition » de l'Union du Myanmar, installé depuis novembre 2015. Il intègre également différents événements qui, depuis cette date, ont marqué l'actualité politique birmane. Au vu de la durée très limitée de cette mission, il ne constitue pas un texte scientifique comme tel, mais propose quelques clés de lecture pour déchiffrer la complexité de ce pays de plus de 40 millions d'habitants, engagé dans une phase de transition démocratique depuis plusieurs années. Il s'intéresse, en particulier, aux difficultés de l'éthique de la non-violence dans une région en guerre, aux défis socio-économiques d'un pays qui reste l'un des plus pauvres d'Asie du Sud-Est, à l'histoire et au devenir de la société civile birmane, ainsi qu'à la tragédie humanitaire que connaissent les Rohingya. Il conclut par quelques propositions pour l'action.

There has been much debate in recent years as to what constitutes the digital humanities. This article argues that one way to articulate the digital humanities is through a focus on the democratization of the humanities, by increasing access to and participation in the humanities, rather than through an emphasis on technology use. Using a case study approach, and the theory of structuration, this article examines how digital humanists are attempting to expand the reach and diversity of the humanities through the digitization of data and the building of digital tools.Dans les dernières années, il y a eu beaucoup de débats sur les propriétés des sciences humaines numériques. Cet article soutient qu'une manière de définir celles-ci consisterait à mettre l'accent sur leur démocratisation, avec l'idée d'un accès et d'une participation accrus, plutôt que sur leur technologie. Cet article a recours à des études de cas et à la théorie de la structuration pour examiner comment on essaie d'accroître l'étendue et la diversité des sciences humaines au moyen de la numérisation des données et du développement d'outils numériques.

South Africa has the paradoxical conditions of African country with an economic and social situation of poverty, exclusion and exploitation, but with an emerging economy and power characteristics associated with the BRICS. This occurs in the context of a global economic crisis and process of a transition to a multipolar geopolitical order. The democratization process initiated by its leader Nelson Mandela, has managed to take out apartheid South Africa. However, it remains a state in which live two social and ethnic realities, still strongly differentiated. Moreover, economic growth set it apart from African countries mired in poverty and the exploitation of its resources. It has become an African reference and a potency participating in the G-20 and informal mini-lateral organizations such as the BRICS and IBSA. This paper attempts to analyze some of its features, its prospects and its complexities. ; La República de Sudáfrica presenta las condiciones paradojales de país africano, con una situación económica y social de pobreza, exclusión y explotación, y su carácter de economía emergente y potencia del BRICS. Esto se da en el marco de un proceso económico mundial de crisis y de una transición hacia un orden geopolítico multipolar. El proceso de democratización iniciado por su líder Nelson Mandela, ha sacado a Sudáfrica del apartheid jurídico y legal. Sin embargo, sigue siendo un Estado en el que conviven dos realidades sociales y étnicas, aún fuertemente diferenciadas. Por otra parte, su crecimiento económico lo diferencia del conjunto de países africanos, sumergidos en la pobreza y la expoliación de sus recursos. Se ha convertido así en un referente africano y en una potencia que participa del G-20 y de organizaciones minilaterales informales como el BRICS o el IBSA. Este artículo se propone analizar algunas de sus particularidades, sus perspectivas y sus complejidades. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

The purpose of this report is to describe and explain the uses of the Carte Culture scheme, which promotes access to cultural facilities at reduced prices with a view to widening audiences and democratising access to culture. On the basis of a set of data, it questions the democratisation of cultural practices that the Carte Culture initially allowed for by a population which is relatively heterogeneous in terms of social, educational and cultural experiences, and which forms part of the Alsace region, a territory with more cultural facilities and more widely distributed than in other regions. Who owns and does not hold the Culture Card? What is the profile of users and non-users of the Culture Map? How do profiles vary according to the type of use and cultural venues visited? How do family, cultural and school socialisations work together? How does the space for the most cultivated student exits be structured? A survey by questionnaire (n = 4557) and interviews (around sixty) of students from the two Alsatian universities provides answers. It shows that the Culture Map is widely distributed among students, including among those with fewer opportunities. However, an analysis of the use of the Carte reveals considerable variations in their intensity and the type of cultural practices it favours, depending on the course of study and the social and family properties of students. The use of the card is strongly determined by the type and intensity of artistic and cultural socialisations initiated during childhood and adolescence and pursued during their studies. These forms of familiarisation are more or less favourable to activation and acquisition of provisions for cultural exits. Four contributions to the sociology of cultural public action, sociology of cultural practices and sociology of student cultural exits can be highlighted. 1. A model for analysing devices that facilitate access to culture 2. A sociological explanation of the differences in the use of the Carte culture 3 device. An analysis of the ...

International audience The end of the 18th century gives birth to new forms of political action: political attempts or attacks. More and more often committed with weapons of massive destruction, as bombs or explosive machines, these attacks not only try to injure or kill human targets, but also to spread fear in public opinion, in order to express minorities' claims, and to influence political debates and decisions by direct activism. This paper claims that revolutionary violence, which has been mainly studied through collective massacres, must be considered in its different aspects: political murders, iconoclasm, material destructions and symbolic rituals are part of a new phenomenon, linked to the French democratic transition, one century before the "official" birth of modern terrorism. ; À la fin du XVIIIe siècle, au gré des révoltes et révolutions, apparaissent de nouvelles formes de l'action politique : les attentats. Souvent perpétrés à l'aide d'armes plus destructrices, ces actes sont également au moins autant destinés à émouvoir l'opinion populaire qu'à salir, blesser ou éliminer des emblèmes politiques, que ceux-ci soient des objets ou des personnes. De la prise de la Bastille (14 juillet 1789) à l'attentat de la rue Saint-Nicaise (24 décembre 1800), en passant par l'explosion du château de Quincey (19 juillet 1789), l'assassinat de Marat (13 juillet 1793), les arrachages des arbres de la liberté, l'iconoclasme de l'an II et les têtes plantées au bout des piques, la transition démocratique qui touche la France entre 1789 à 1800 se caractérise par l'émergence de nouvelles manières d'exercer la violence, à la fois plus dévastatrices et plus symboliques qu'auparavant, et qui, pratiquées par les minorités comme par le pouvoir politique, lègueront au XIXe siècle un répertoire de pratiques contribuant à la naissance du terrorisme contemporain.

A Bamako, demand for and supply of essential services must be seen in the context of a French colonial sub-Saharan Africa, a poverty reduction strategy, and a two-decades old Republic, the third in Mali after the democratic transition in 1991. Twenty years after the collapse of the single party regime, the capital of Mali is still paying for the consequences of a long underinvestment since independence. The burden of equipment, catching up and anticipating strong urban growth, is enormous. Above all, it requires financial priorities and a better articulation of decentralised cooperation, whose management experience is beneficial in Bamako, with the largest appropriations for bi- and multilateral cooperation. While the main task of raising these heavy funds lies with the State, the latter asks the urban authorities to provide a coherent vision for the whole city, a consensus of "administration", "privatisation" or "participation" for services; better and more solidarity-based ownership of the equipment granted or subsidised activities for tax, regulatory and technical purposes. ; A Bamako, la demande et l'offre en services essentiels sont à replacer dans le contexte d'une Afrique subsaharienne d'héritage colonial français, d'une stratégie de réduction de la pauvreté, et d'une République à deux décennies d'âge, la troisième du Mali après la transition démocratique de 1991. Vingt ans après l'effondrement du régime de parti unique, la capitale du Mali paye encore les conséquences d'un long sous-investissement depuis l'indépendance. La charge d'équipement, en rattrapage et en anticipation sur une croissance citadine forte, est énorme. Elle requiert avant tout des priorités financières, une meilleure articulation des coopérations décentralisées, dont l'expérience de gestion est profitable à Bamako, aux plus importants crédits des coopérations bi- et multilatérales. Si la mission de lever ces fonds lourds revient principalement à l'Etat, celui-ci demande en retour aux collectivités urbaines qu'elles fassent remonter ...

). While since 1939 football has grown steadily among Spaniards, it only becomes a mass 'leisure' from the late 1950s and early 1960s. Despite this democratisation, the types of practices it gives rise to and the time spent on it differ according to the social level. This does not prevent it from becoming the forerunner of leisure activities and performances at the expense of traditional bullfighting. Because of its immense popularity, football was less ideologically malleable than many authors claimed. ; The popularity of soccer steadily grew in Spanish society since 1939, but it is not until the end of the 50s and the beginning of the 60s when it really became a passtime of the mass. Althought the time spent to it and the kinds of practice it generated differed greatly between the elite and the rest of the society, it still became the favourite passtime of the Spanish people by excellence. It even took away the position of bullfights as the main national entertainment. Thanks to its inmense popularity, and contrary to what other authors have implied, it was never really manipulated by the Regime. This does not mean that certain leaders, at certain times, did not try to do it. ; ). While since 1939 football has grown steadily among Spaniards, it only becomes a mass 'leisure' from the late 1950s and early 1960s. Despite this democratisation, the types of practices it gives rise to and the time spent on it differ according to the social level. This does not prevent it from becoming the forerunner of leisure activities and performances at the expense of traditional bullfighting. Because of its immense popularity, football was less ideologically malleable than many authors claimed. ; Si, depuis 1939 la popularité du football ne cesse de croître parmi les Espagnols, il ne devient véritablement un « loisir » de masse qu'à partir de la fin des années 1950 et début des années 1960. Malgré cette démocratisation, les types de pratiques auxquels il donne lieu et le temps qui lui sont consacrés, diffèrent en fonction du ...

The article looks back to the future of an embarrassing legacy: managing the territorial reforms carried out in Chile under the Pinochet regime (1973-89). He explained the difficult democratisation of regionalisation carried out by the Dictature. The functional principles and economic ideology of the existing splitting are not called into question by transitional governments. In these circumstances, an analysis is made of the conditions for the emergence of new territorial projects (the possibilities of leaving or changing the framework of the regions). ; International audience ; The article looks back to the future of an embarrassing legacy: managing the territorial reforms carried out in Chile under the Pinochet regime (1973-89). He explained the difficult democratisation of regionalisation carried out by the Dictature. The functional principles and economic ideology of the existing splitting are not called into question by transitional governments. In these circumstances, an analysis is made of the conditions for the emergence of new territorial projects (the possibilities of leaving or changing the framework of the regions). ; L'article revient sur le devenir d'un legs embarrassant : la gestion des réformes territoriales opérées au Chili sous le régime de Pinochet (1973-89). Il détaille la difficile démocratisation de la régionalisation opérée par la Dictature. Les principes fonctionnels et l'idéologie économique du découpage existant n'étant pas remises en cause par les gouvernements de transitions. Dans ces conditions, on analyse les conditions d'émergence de nouveaux projets territoriaux (les possibilités de sortir ou de faire évoluer le cadre des "Régions"

International audience Since 2008 general elections environment for democracy in the country is becoming conducive with each passing day, thus resulting in democratic consolidation. Sub-systemic institutionalisation in the form of structural and constitutional development (eighteenth amendment), and sociological institutionalisation in the form of normative and perceptional development about democracy being a normal and natural process are important steps in democratic consolidation. This study intends to explore the causality relation between the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment and the processes of democratic consolidation in Pakistan. It seeks to answer the question that how is 18th Amendment nurturing democratic norms and institutions, and why is it taken as an optimistic factor for democratic consolidation in Pakistan. The study hypothesizes that conceptualization and operationalization of the semantics of 18th Amendment. ; Depuis les élections générales de 2008, l'environnement de la démocratie dans le pays devient chaque jour plus propice, entraînant ainsi une consolidation démocratique. L'institutionnalisation sous-systémique sous la forme d'un développement structurel et constitutionnel (dix-huitième amendement) et l'institutionnalisation sociologique sous la forme d'un développement normatif et perceptif du fait que la démocratie est un processus normal et naturel sont des étapes importantes de la consolidation démocratique. Cette étude vise à explorer la relation de causalité entre le dix-huitième amendement constitutionnel et les processus de consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. Il cherche à répondre à la question de savoir comment le 18e amendement nourrit les normes et les institutions démocratiques, et pourquoi est-il considéré comme un facteur optimiste pour la consolidation démocratique au Pakistan. L'étude émet l'hypothèse que la conceptualisation et l'opérationnalisation de la sémantique du 18e amendement.