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FROM 1920 TO 1933, AMERICAN AGRICULTURE WAS IN CRISIS. DEMAND FOR FARM PRODUCTS DROPPED, BUT FARMERS, PRESSED BY THE RISING COST OF MANUFACTURED GOODS AND BY MORTGAGE PAYMENTS ON WARTIME EXPANSION, WERE UNABLE TO REDUCE THEIR PRODUCTION ACCORDINGLY. DURING THE OTHERWISE PROSPEROUS MID-1920S, FARMERS DEMANDED GOVERNMENTAL SOLUTIONS TO THEIR PROBLEMS, PROVIDING THE STRONGEST CHALLENGE TO THE POLITICAL DOMINATION OF EASTERN FINANCE AND INDUSTRY. AFTER 1929, THE AGRICULTURAL DEPRESSION PROVED AN ECONOMIC DANGER TO BIG BUSINESS AS WELL, SINCE THE CONTINUED WEAKNESS OF RURAL PURCHASING POWER SERVED AS A BARRIER TO INDUSTRIAL RECOVERY. DESPITE THE DEPTH OF THE AGRICULTURAL CRISIS AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR AMERICAN CAPITALISM, THE RESPONSE OF THE STATE WAS FAR FROM AUTOMATIC. IT WAS ONLY IN 1933, WITH THE FORMATION OF THE AGRICULTURAL ADJUSTMENT ADMINISTRATION (AAA), THAT THE STATEADMINISTERED PATH TO EVENTUAL AGRICULTURAL RECOVERY WAS TAKEN. IN THIS ARTICLE, I SHALL ATTEMPT TO EXPLAIN WHY THE STATE TOOK SO LONG TO INTERVENE, AND WHY IT DID SO WHEN IT DID, AT THE BEGINNING OF THE ROOSEVELT ADMINISTRATION. I SHALL ALSO BRIEFLY SHOW HOW THE SAME FACTORS THAT MADE THE AAA POSSIBLE IN 1933 CAME TO SERVE AS CONSTRAINTS UPON IT.

The purpose of this article is to argue that Adam Smith's assessment of agrarian economics is based on the transdisciplinary engagement between moral theory and economics in An inquiry into nature and causes of the wealth of nations (first published in 1776). This assessment draws on recent scholarship that underscores that Smith's earlier work The Theory of Moral Sentiments (first published in 1759) is not in conflict with Smith's economic theory; it rather presents the moral point of departure of his economics. This transdisciplinary interaction derails the divergent perspectives of contemporary scholars that either view Smith as an agrarian economist or an antagonist of industrialisation. The reason for this view of Smith's economics is due to the failure to emphasise the engagement between agrarian economic and Smith's moral theory that championed liberty. Secondarily, this engagement between economics and moral theory highlights Smith's contribution to sustainable economics that can play an influential role in contemporary society.Transdisciplinarity Contribution: The article highlights the transdisciplinary interaction between Adam Smith's free market economic theory and his moral theory as a function of liberty with special reference to agrarianism.

""Contents""; ""Acknowledgments""; ""Preface""; ""Chapter One Sustainable Religion, Sustainable Ethics?""; ""Taking Stock: Why This Project?""; ""Religion, the Environment, and the United States""; ""Theory and Method: Lived Religion""; ""Theory and Method: Network Theory""; ""Theory and Method: Grounded Theory""; ""Religious Agrarian Communities""; ""Why Religious Values?""; ""Why Study Food?""; ""Why Study Farming?""; ""Industrial Agriculture/Farming""; ""Sustainable Agriculture/Farming""; ""Sustainable Agriculture: Land Health""; ""Sustainable Worldview: Community Health and the Local

In diesem Artikel werden die Leitideen der estnischen Bauernbewegung sowie die politischen Praktiken analysiert, mit Hilfe derer sie umgesetzt werden sollten. Seit den 1860er Jahren erlebte die estnische Gesellschaft innerhalb des Russischen Reiches tiefgreifende soziale und ökonomische Veränderungen. Die Entstehungsbedingungen der estnischen Bauernbewegung finden sich in der Zunahme einer bäuerlichen Öffentlichkeit sowie der politischen Mobilisierung der Bauern durch die Zusammenführung der sozialen und na- tionalen Frage. Damit grenzte sie sich sowohl von liberalen, als auch von sozialistischen Staats- und Wirtschaftsmodellen ab. In den Netzwerken landwirtschaftlicher Verbände und Genossenschaften (z.B. auf den Landwirtschaftlichen Kongressen 1899 und 1905) wurden Werte und Vorstellungen von Staat und Gesellschaft formuliert, die prägend auch für die estnische Gesellschaft der Zwischenkriegszeit waren.

This article examines contemporary political controversies over agricultural land in the prairie region of Canada. We suggest that contemporary land politics reflect elements of continuity and change in a distinctive "land imaginary" connected to the region's history and recent restructuring. While neoliberalism, and more recently, financialization, have been the main drivers of restructuring in recent decades, certain strands of agrarianism continue to shape social relations in the agricultural sector. We present three case studies, the first of which examines the controversy over institutional investment in farmland, focusing on the Canada Pension Plan's large-scale purchase of Saskatchewan land. The second case study examines conflicts over the deregulation of government-run community pastures, with implications for the ranching sector, environmental conservation, and the future of native prairie. Our third case study focuses on the proposed sale and land-use conversion of government-owned pasture land in Alberta, dubbed "Potatogate". We examine the role of farmers, ranchers, governments, NGOs, and private interests in shaping debates over land ownership and use. We argue that these conflicts reveal a tension between (financial) neoliberalism and agrarian arguments and values, with significant differences across agricultural sub-sectors.

In debates on the nature and degree of democratization in the Kaiserreich, the dynamics of rural politics have received perhaps less attention than they merit. Indeed, though the picture is more nuanced now, for a long period the ability of rural elites to dominate nonelites (a core aspect of these dynamics) was simply assumed, as was the relationship of this dominance to Germany's troubled democratization. In his 1943 workBread and Democracy in Germany, for example, Alexander Gerschenkron blamed Germany's entrenched and elitist aristocracy for this trait of bullying voters into antidemocratic politics spanning from the Kaiserreich to the Third Reich. More subtly, the landmark 1966 study of Barrington Moore, Jr. noted the potential for an alliance between entrenched aristocracies and small peasantries, with each as reservoirs for antidemocratic (and potentially fascist) sentiment in several countries, with obvious application to the German case as well.

AbstractAgainst the decades‐long trend of aging farmers and farmland consolidation in the United States and Canada, value‐added farm production has been pitched as a lifeline to provide viable rural livelihoods for younger generations. How do producers perceive the possibilities and limitations of value‐added craft production in supporting agrarian livelihoods? More broadly, how are contemporary structural constraints and cultural shifts shaping new agrarian strategies? This article draws on in‐depth interviews and ethnographic data with urban and farm‐based cidermakers in the Pacific Northwest (British Columbia, Washington State, and Oregon). I find that while craft cider has helped buffer some producers against the volatility of selling raw fruit to large commodity markets, the benefits of this niche market do not widely support continued primary production or farm succession. I underscore the emergence of a livelihood strategy I refer to as "bridging agrarianism" among young cidermakers who wish to maintain a connection to agriculture but are shifting away from full‐time farming due to lifestyle preferences and economic constraints. Bridging agrarianism is manifest in modest forms of on‐site production that carry great symbolic weight. This study provides insight into how current generations of agriculturalists are developing new strategic responses to the political‐economic challenges of farming.