Suchergebnisse

Legislative Affairs ("CLA") Grant S-NEAIR-08-CA-121("Grant") encompassing work for CLA of the U.S. Embassy - Baghdad. As of 14 April 2009

This study aimed to provide basic information on overview of corruption and anti‐corruption legislation in Bangladesh. It indicates the impact of corruption on the economy, sector-wise corruption and how poor enforcement of existing laws has led to corruption. The proposed study analysis of the theoretical and conceptual interpretations of "corruption" and "corruption interaction", discussion of the reasons and conditions for the development of bribery interaction in these countries, as well as consideration of the official assessments of anti-corruption activity and the main directions of prevention and combating corruption from society. Within the structure of this article, we analyze mostly current official positions, investigative materials, hypothetical and theoretic forms and research perspectives, in which current structures and practices of bribery interaction in these countries are being problematized. This study also looks into the implementation of various reform initiatives including development of an impartial and fair system, establishment of code of ethics, reform in political parties, election process, legislations and government policies are crucial with anti-corruption measurements.

This report provides a comparative overview of common standards and key features of specialised anti-corruption institutions and comprehensive descriptions of 19 anti-corruption institutions operating in different parts of the world, presented in a comparable framework. This new edition of an 2008 report reflects the evolving understanding of international standards and the practice and the most recent experiences of anti-corruption institutions. The report discusses three ""models"" of anti-corruption institutions: multi-functional anti-corruption agencies, institutions fighting corruption th

Der Autor bezieht sich in seinem Beitrag auf die theoretischen Ansätze des Verwaltungswissenschaftlers Fred W. Riggs, welcher als Begründer jener Richtung seines Faches gilt, die sich mit der Administration in Entwicklungsländern befasst. In seinem richtungsweisenden Buch "Administration in Developing Countries. The Theory of Prismatic Society" (1964) zeigte Riggs die Kontextabhängigkeit der öffentlichen Verwaltung in den Ländern des Südens auf, die seiner Meinung nach nur in ihrem kulturellen, politischen und historischen Kontext verständlich ist. Er geht davon aus, dass die Konfrontation von Tradition und Moderne in einer Gesellschaft zu einem eigenartigen Amalgam führt, das mit dem Dichotomiepaar "traditionell / modern" oder "agrarisch / industriell" nicht ausreichend beschrieben werden kann. Er spricht in diesem Zusammenhang nicht von Bürokratien im idealtypischen Sinne Max Webers, sondern von "Sala-Verwaltungen" in "prismatischen Gesellschaften". Die persönliche Vorteilnahme wird in der einen Sphäre als Korruption, also als Missbrauch öffentlicher Macht zu privatem Nutzen, in der anderen als Pfründe, d.h. als legitime und legale Einnahmequelle eines Amtsinhabers verstanden. Der Autor diskutiert vor diesem Hintergrund die Rolle der öffentlichen Verwaltung bei der Bekämpfung der Korruption in prismatischen Gesellschaften und legt dabei die Ansätze des Strukturfunktionalismus zu Grunde. (ICI)

Since the 1990s, when Mongolia has transited to democracy and market economy, which began to reform all parts of society, corruption has become a serious issue. Though corruption does not trigger a fear like violent crimes, it is a very dangerous phenomenon that spreads all sectors of society in a hidden way, and there is no particular victim of corruption, but the society.Nowadays, the main obstacle to socio-economic growth in developing countries is corruption. Therefore, it is essential to know the nature, causes, characteristics, and structures of corruption in order to develop and implement an effective anti-corruption program.There is a need to fight against political and high-level corruption in Mongolia, as a country developing nation's economy based on the mining sector. This article looks at the corruption situation in Mongolia, its factors, causes and methods, the results of surveys on anti-corruption activities in Mongolia, and the nation's experience in fighting corruption.The article compares, summarizes and analyses studies the reports conducted by the Independent Authority Against Corruption of Mongolia, a nationwide survey on Perceptions and Knowledge of Corruption in Mongolia 2017, and other works of research institutions, and analysts.Corruption as a pressing issue of Mongolian society remains a cause for concern at both the administrative and elite levels paralyzing Mongolian decision making. The enforcement of anti-corruption policies is itself marred by corrupt practices and threats of mutual exposure.There is an increasing need to educate the public and to propagate the view of zero-tolerance for corruption and bribery throughout the society. Also it is essential to increase transparency in political activities, and the willingness of politicians in fighting against corruption.

Corruption is one of the biggest problems faced by developing countries, including Indonesia. A research conducted by Transparency International in 2016 shows that Indonesia is ranked 90th out of 176 countries in the world. This condition has caused many sectors to be disturbed. The Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (better known as KPK), an anti-corruption body officially established by the government, has recently been intervened by many parties. KPK has implemented various ways to eradicate corruption. One of them is through the channel of education by releasing Anti-Corruption Clearing House (ACCH) with the aim to provide anti-corruption education in schools. Unfortunately, ACCH gets less positive response from the public. Hence, this paper will discuss about the introduction of anti-corruption education from an early age through darus with the aim of preparing anti-corruption generation in Indonesia.

Both books recommend systematization of anti‐corruption norms whether by the means of legal institutions (Hock) or agreeing on a set of human rights safeguards against anti‐corruption sanctions (Moiseienko). Both argue that unless there is a shared understanding of what international law requires and how far states may or may not go in the enforcement of the anti‐corruption regime, tensions with non‐cooperative countries may become even more considerable.

In the last decades, a growing awareness has emerged in progressive social movements about the relevance of corruption as a hidden factor that negatively influences political and economic decision-making processes in both liberal-democratic and authoritarian regimes. Rampant corruption has been denounced by social movements, which have developed specific diagnostic and prognostic frames as well as knowledge and practices for the social accountability of political and economic powers. This contribution maps some of the characteristics of civil society as anti-corruption actors, reflecting on the theoretical challenges they present for social movement theory and for research on corruption and anti-corruption. In order to understand the emergence and outcomes of these mobilizations against corruption, it bridges two bodies of literature which have only very rarely crossed paths: corruption studies and social movement studies. Departing from the traditional visions of anti-corruption from below within corruption studies, the article brings upon social movement studies in order to synthetize some of the main context, organizational forms and framing of (anti-)corruption in today's contentious politics.

Objective 4 of the Statement of Work (SoW) seeks to strengthen the capacity of GOI lawmakers to draft and pass legislation promoting greater transparency and accountability in government and exercise oversight over GOI's AC agencies. Objective 5 sought to support, through the provision of technical assistance to GOI, anti-corruption education efforts to increase public confidence in the GOI's ability to combat corruption; promote transparency and accountability by working closely with the COI, Inspector Generals, BSA, and other GOI agencies, to publicize their efforts and role in the community. The Project was instructed by CLA in April of 2009 not to work on activities related to Objective 5 as these were being covered by other entities. However, due to extensive publication and other public outreach efforts the objective has been partially satisfied

Most countries are making significant efforts to combat corruption. International organizations have developed effective recommendations that have allowed many states to achieve success in the implementation of anti-corruption policies. Using these recommendations Russian Government has developed and implemented effective methods for combating this social phenomenon. Currently, the results obtained from anti-corruption activities are declining. Having considered the tendencies in the development of anti-corruption mechanisms in Russia and worldwide, the authors concluded that there is a delayed decrease in efficiency from the use of anti-corruption methods. In particular, the method of transparency in the long-term period leads to the complication of relations between the corruption interaction subjects, instead of corruption neutralization. To overcome the effect of the delayed decrease in efficiency, the authors put forward a hypothesis about the need to introduce big data processing technologies and artificial intelligence into the anti-corruption system. The work analyzes the foreign experience of using these tools. Based on the results of the analysis, the authors identified problems encountered by foreign specialists and gave recommendations on the organization of anti-corruption activity in Russia. The article proposes the author's structure of an artificial intelligence system that carries out a comprehensive anti-c

The problems of the anti-corruption strategy, issues of elimination of criminal factors, improvement of legislation and the activities of law enforcement agencies are analyzed. Anti-corruption problems should be solved systematically in a set of integrative measures of statepolitical, socio-economic, national-cultural, informational, criminological, legal and moral. The priorities of the implementation of such a course are the urgent implementation of such strategic principles as DE monopolization, DE offshorization, requisition of energy security facilities, demarcation of business and power, and ensuring effective tax and customs policy. The effective mechanism against corruption is the disengagement of power and business, the elimination of factors of political corruption. It is proposed in the Law on the Prevention of Corruption, as well as in the laws regulating the status of civil servants, to enshrine the requirement of impeccable business reputation and integrity. A system of new legislation should be developed and adopted: the Code of Evidence, the Code of Law Enforcement, the Investigator Status Function Act, the Detective Status Act, the Jury and World Court Act, and the Crime Detection, Prevention and Prevention Act. It is proposed to state the disposition of the law of the Criminal Code of Ukraine on illegal enrichment in accordance with Article 20 of the UN Convention against Corruption of 31.10.2003. In particular, it is proposed to consolidate the responsibility of officials for a significant increase in assets that exceed the total assets of zero declaration and legal wages in the public service. The mechanisms of the state government should provide for the function of prosecutorial supervision over the enforcement of anti-corruption legislation in the activities of enterprises, executive authorities and local government. Systemic proposals are being made for the formation of a strategy and a comprehensive anticorruption programed.

China's unique system of hiring and promoting talented people within the state, under the supervision of the Communist Party, has been held up as an important institutional factor supporting its remarkably rapid and sustained economic growth. Jointly with Professor Peter L. Lorentzen, we explore this meritocracy argument in the context of Chinese leader Xi Jinping's ongoing anti-corruption campaign. Some question the sincerity of the campaign, arguing that it is nothing but a cover for intra-elite struggle and a purge of Xi's opponents. In the first chapter of my thesis, we use a dataset I have created to identify accused officials and map their connections. Our evidence supports the Party's claim that the crackdown is primarily a sincere effort to cut down on the widespread corruption that was undermining its efforts to develop an effective meritocratic governing system. First, we visualize the "patron-client'' network of all probed officials announced by the central government and identify the core targets of the anti-corruption campaign. Second, we use a recursive selection model to analyze who the campaign has targeted, providing evidence that even personal ties to top leaders have provided little protection. Finally, we show that, in the years leading up to the crackdown, the provinces later targeted had departed from the growth-oriented meritocratic selection procedures evident in other provinces. In addition to its motivation, I also discuss the campaign's effects on economic efficiency. The second chapter of my thesis tests the "greasing-the-wheels'' hypothesis in the context of China's residential land market. We show that China's anti-corruption campaign, aimed at removing corruption in China's monopoly land market, caused a decrease in land transaction volumes. Furthermore, not removing any form of corruption would also lead to a similar decrease. It is only necessary to remove corruption that enables real estate developers to circumvent red tape and reduce trading costs. Our findings support the "greasing-the-wheels'' hypothesis hypothesis: when an economy has a low outcome owing to some preexisting distortions, corruption could be a positive factor in that it offers a "second-best world.''

Corruption is a global challenge which may impact negatively on economic growth and sustainable development of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). All of these five countries have been held back by corruption, in varying ways, but their rising importance to the global economic system ensures the spotlight now shines brighter than ever on them. Yet some of the BRICS countries have handled the issue better than others. According to Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (2017), in the BRICS bloc of major emerging economies, South Africa is ranked the best (71st), followed by China (77th) and India (81st), with Brazil is 96th and Russia 135th out of 180 countries. These five nations support the strengthening of international cooperation against corruption, including through the BRICS Anti-Corruption Working Group, as well as on matters related to asset recovery and persons sought for corruption. This article provides a detailed analysis of anti-corruption legislation of four of the BRICS countries (Brazil, South Africa, China and India), as well as a brief overview of the efforts of these countries in the fight against corruption.