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Abstract
Anti-China protests have posed challenges to China's ambition to further expand its political and economic influence globally. How does Beijing respond to anti-China protests? And how do anti-China protests affect Beijing's use of public diplomatic resources? We address these questions by examining the effect of anti-China protests on China's public diplomatic engagement across low- and middle-income countries in Asia. We argue that anti-China protests lead to an increased level of non-financial public diplomatic engagement (e.g., elite visits) as well as financial engagement through foreign aid. We further argue that the effect of anti-China protests on increasing public diplomatic engagement is contingent on regime type. This is because China takes the anti-China message from autocracies more seriously given the higher political costs of participating in public protests in autocracies. Compared to democracies, autocracies are also in a better position to use anti-China protests as a means to signal their political constraints, compelling China to invest more public diplomatic resources for the countries.

The author describes the mass protests in Quebec City, which took place during the Apr 2001 meeting of the Summit of the Americas, a meeting designed to create a free-trade area of the Americas by 2005. This meeting included 34 heads of state from the Americas, & it was heavily protected from the anticipated protesters with a wall of cement blocks & chain-link fencing that created a 3-mile barrier from the conference site. Policemen used tear gas, rifles, rubber bullets, water cannons, & concussion grenades in their efforts to keep the protesters excluded from their democratic right to protest. Participants in this protest showed stronger affiliation to the Left than in the previous protests in Seattle, & stronger positions were taken by the popular organizations, which came together in the Hemispheric Social Alliance. The protesters demonstrated their support for anticapitalistic ideas as they fought through the barrier of the wall against tear-gas & rubber bullets & other tactics used by the riot police. The experience of over 50,000 to 60,000 people making a stand gave hope for a new radical Left & an activist movement. L. A. Hoffman

Ashbolt reviews 'Anti-Disciplinary Protest: Sixties Radicalism and Postmodernism' by Julie Stephens.

The sixties were a time when anti-disciplinary politics blurred the boundaries between the political and the aesthetic, and, according to some critics, the time when the possibility for revolution died. In this book, first published in 1998, Stephens questions the frameworks which inform commonplace understandings of this period, arguing that the most distinctive forms of sixties protest are often marginalized or excluded from view. She looks at the problematic ways in which sixties radicalism has been narrativised, and critically evaluates the modernist and postmodern impulses that can be discerned in the anti-disciplinary protest of the time. Stephens develops a new theoretical framework for conceptualizing the relationship between the sixties and later political and theoretical developments. Drawing on broad-ranging, lively and often rare sources, this is a provocative contribution to contemporary social theory and cultural studies

Anti-U.S. base protests, played out in parliaments and the streets of host nations, continue to arise in different parts of the world. In a novel approach, this book examines the impact of anti-base movements and the important role bilateral alliance relationships play in shaping movement outcomes. The author explains not only when and how anti-base movements matter, but also how host governments balance between domestic and international pressure on base-related issues. Drawing on interviews with activists, politicians, policy makers and U.S. base officials in the Philippines, Japan (Okinawa), Ecuador, Italy and South Korea, the author finds that the security and foreign policy ideas held by host government elites act as a political opportunity or barrier for anti-base movements, influencing their ability to challenge overseas U.S. basing policies

"No other country maintains a global military presence comparable to the United States. Yet outside the United States, considerable debate exists about what this presence is about and how well it serves national and global interests. Anti-U.S. base protests, played out in parliaments and the streets of host nations, continue to arise in different parts of the world. In a novel approach fusing international relations theory with social movement perspectives, this book examines the impact of anti-base movements and the important role bilateral alliance relationships play in shaping movement outcomes. The author explains not only when and how anti-base movements matter, but also how host governments balance between domestic and international pressure on base-related issues. Drawing on interviews with activists, politicians, policy makers, and U.S. base officials in the Philippines, Japan (Okinawa), Ecuador, Italy, and South Korea, the author finds that the security and foreign policy ideas held by host government elites act as a political opportunity or barrier for anti-base movements, influencing their ability to challenge overseas U.S. basing policies"--

"Der Beitrag thematisiert die Bedeutung des 11.9.2001 und die neue Rolle Deutschlands als politischer Macht mit Interventionsanspruch zur Friedensbewegung bzw. den Anti-Kriegs-Protesten in Deutschland. Er arbeitet den Übergang der deutschen Politik zu aktiver Militärpolitik heraus, die sich im Falle Jugoslawiens (ebenso wie im folgenden, noch lange nicht beendeten "Krieg gegen den Terrorismus") des Menschenrechtsdiskurses bedient. Weitere Fragestellungen des Autors behandeln das Verhältnis der EU zur dominanten US-amerikanischen Politik und die Gefahren, die sich für die Friedensbewegung ergeben, sofern sie die Rolle eines Juniorpartners der eigenen, vermeintlich "friedfertigen" Regierung zu übernehmen droht." (Autorenreferat)

Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called "the protest parties." Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called "the New Populism." Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.

Peaceful pro-Palestine protests are protected by the First Amendment, even if protesters often use offensive or inflammatory rhetoric.