Suchergebnisse

This is the first major study of gender and property in South Asia. In a pioneering and comprehensive analysis Bina Agarwal argues that the single most important economic factor affecting women's situation is the gender gap in command over property. In rural South Asia, the most significant form of property is arable land, a critical determinant of economic well-being, social status, and empowerment. But few women own land; fewer control it. Drawing on a vast range of interdisciplinary sources and her own field research, and tracing regional variations across five countries, the author investigates the complex barriers to women's land ownership and control, and how they might be overcome. The book makes significant and original contributions to theory and policy concerning land reforms, 'bargaining' and gender relations, women's status, and the nature of resistance

Betrifft die Länder Bangladesch, die VR China, Indien, Malaysia und Sri Lanka

The issue of ongoing Israeli operations in the West Bank is part of a much larger canvas in the overall Israel-Palestine conflict ...

Azra Razzack and M. Atyab Siddiqui, The School at Ajmeri Gate: Delhi's Educational Legacy, Oxford University Press, 2022, 501 pp., ₹2295, ISBN 978- 81-948316-2-4 (Hardcover).

The concept of sustainability can be analyzed from different viewpoints, including sustaining a high rate without which other goals of a "good life," particularly the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), are not achievable. Alternatively, the need for reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is employed to assess sustainability. This essay discusses economic progress in West Asia and North Africa (WANA) relative to other developing regions, its success in achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and progress toward achieving the SDGs before discussing the region's emissions of GHGs and CO2. The WANA region has performed relatively poorly economically and its performance has deteriorated since 2008, and the oil countries perform worse than nonoil ones. Low investment rates and worsening external balance bedevil its economic prospects. Prospects for the region achieving the SDGs are much worse than other regions and have become bleaker since COVID-19. The region is a relatively high emitter of GHGs.

The Supreme Court, India's apex constitutional court, recently delivered its disappointing decision in Supriyo Chakraborty v Union India (Supriyo), rejecting marriage equality in Indian law. The much-awaited decision was heard by a constitution bench (five judges) of the Supreme Court and dealt with far-reaching questions of both Indian constitutional law and family law. The decision is characteristic of the Indian Supreme Court's ongoing phase of great deference to the executive and legislative branches but also marks a sharp and worrying break from the court's otherwise progressive jurisprudence on issues of gender and sexuality.

James Crabtree, The Billionaire Raj, Harper Collins, 2018, pp. 358+ xxv, ₹799, ISBN 9789353020170 (Hardcover).

A recent trend has confounded observers of India's political system. Dalits—a population that has historically been deprived of vital resources and socially ostracized by upper-caste Hindus—have increasingly given their vote to the Hindu nationalist movement led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Why have some members of India's most marginalized caste come to support a party that has preserved caste hierarchies and catered to the socially dominant sections of society? This article explores this question through the case of Kerala, where Dalit support for the BJP is additionally perplexing given the state's history of left-led governments that have implemented far-reaching redistributive reforms that greatly benefited Dalits. Nevertheless, in recent years the Hindu nationalists have made significant inroads among Kerala's Dalit population. Drawing on two hundred interviews and eight months of ethnography, this article identifies two major factors driving Dalits' defection to the BJP. The first is linked to the communist parties' (CPs') agricultural land redistribution program which, despite being the most ambitious of its kind in modern India, excluded the majority of Dalits and reinscribed caste hierarchies. The second factor is the cultural discrimination Dalits face while working in the CPs, including being grossly underrepresented in the party leadership. The BJP exploits these grievances by providing representation to Dalit cadres who are embedded in strategic majority-Dalit neighborhoods. These cadres win popular support through welfare brokering and also by constructing a new narrative that portrays the CPs as casteist and the BJP as a more socially just alternative for Kerala's Dalits. This article makes sense of these findings by drawing on Nancy Fraser's concept of bivalent oppression to advance a novel Gramscian theory of "bivalent hegemony."