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Arkotong Longkumer, The Greater India Experiment: Hindutva and the Northeast. Delhi: Navayana, 2022, 336 pp., ₹599.

The EU's investment screening mechanism (ISM) has been a prime example of the unilateral turn in EU trade and investment policy and of a broader global trend of a rise in ISMs. Being a champion of market liberalization and open investment regimes, however, for the EU to introduce a regulatory barrier to cross-border capital flows is particularly remarkable. This contribution argues that conceptually, ISMs may be understood as exposing a problem of trust in international relations (IR) and that a greatly consequential, if not decisive, underlying factor affecting both the introduction and usage of the EU ISM has been the level of trust between the EU and the People's Republic of China. The introduction of the EU ISM is a symptom of mistrust in EU-China relations in its legislative form, and a test of trust in its individual decisions at Member State (MS) level. Discussing the above, the article aims to fulfil two objectives. First, it demonstrates how the concept of trust can illustrate the genesis and later the functioning of the EU ISM. Secondly, it explores what legal tools may be adopted to either rebuild trust or to render trust inessential by curtailing the security vulnerabilities which require it.
EU External Affairs, China, Foreign Investment, FDI, Investment Screening, National Security, Trust

The purpose of studying women's participation in radical movements, as the classical study We Were Making History notes, is 'an attempt to broaden the history of that struggle by recovering the subjective experience of women, to capture women's voices from the past and to present issues as they were perceived by women' (Stree Shakti Sanghathana, 1989, 2). Taking this framework as the point of departure, this article seeks to explore the history of women's participation in the secessionist politics of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Deviating from the existing scholarships on the subject that rightly focus on the lack of adequate women's representation at the leadership level, this article argues that representation at formal political negotiations is not the only form of political activity that women aspire to. Instead, in their own way, many of these revolutionaries have in fact turned into 'political women'. Fictional writings in the Assamese language are more forthcoming than academic scholarship in recognizing this alternative, informal politics in which women engage. At the same time, it is important to note that these 'political women' need not be free from conventional gendered prejudices.