Suchergebnisse

Do China's mandarins have anything to fear from the winds of freedom that have blown away Arab autocrats? The short answer is no—for now. The Chinese government has performed for its people, lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty during the same length of time Hosni Mubarak reigned in Egypt.Though many in the West would like to think so, it is not likely that the rising middle class in China will one day also fill Tiananmen Square in protest. In the immediate future, the chaos and economic drift that will now engulf the liberated Middle East will remind them again that China was right not to go down the path of Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika in Russia.And it is not as if they will have a chance. The authorities are determined never to allow any two people who vent virtually on the Net to meet in the street.In this section, we discuss the impact of the Arab revolt—and lack of it—on China's system of governance.

Communism has lost its capacity to inspire the Chinese. But what will replace it? And what should replace it? Clearly,
there is a need for a new moral foundation for political rule in China, and the government has moved closer to an
official embrace of Confucianism. The Olympics highlighted Confucian themes, quoting the Analects of Confucius at
the opening ceremony, and downplayed any references to China's experiment with communism. Cadres at the newly
built Communist Party School in Shanghai proudly tell visitors that the main building is modeled on a Confucian
scholar's desk. Abroad, the government has been promoting Confucianism via branches of the Confucius Institute, a
Chinese language and culture center similar to France's Alliance Française and Germany's Goethe Institute.

In 1989, I strongly supported the student-led pro-democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square. Without knowing
much about China, I
guess I supported the students partly out of a form of self-love; it seemed they wanted to follow my social and political
way of life. It didn't occur to me that democracy in China might take particular forms rooted in its own traditions. Five
years later, however, I read these words: "I recognized in the arguments of the students [in Tiananmen Square in 1989] a sense of their mission or their special
political role that was clearly incompatible with the American [democratic] ideal (in which a certain hostility to the
claims of the educated classes has always been present) and probably incompatible too with the prevailing abstract
and universal theories..."

Buoyed by its creditor's hold on the United States and its ability to withstand the harsh winds of recession blowing from across the Pacific, China has graduated in its own mind from an emerging economy to a world power. From their confrontation with Google to their renewed repression of dissidents to their dissing of President Obama, China's leaders clearly feel that the time has come for the world to accomodate China, not vice‐versa.Is the West ready for this new reality? Is China's new arrogance well‐founded, or is it going to be the next bubble to burst? As it moves beyond "the primary stage of socialism" is it ready to open up politically?In this section, some top China scholars, one of China's most well‐known dissidents and a former US spy chief discuss these issues.

I am grateful for Sin-Yee Chan's powerful comment on my paper. I agree with much of what she says but I will focus here on points of clarification and disagreement. I do not mean to argue that domestic workers should "discount their rights and leave their well-being to the goodwill of their employers." I agree that the basic interests of domestic workers need to be protected by law and I specifically argue for laws that mete out "severe punishment for employers who physically or sexually abuse domestic workers." I also agree that the status quo does not adequately protect the basic interests of domestic workers.

About ten years ago, a close friend came to visit me in Hong Kong. This friend—now director of a center for ethics at a prestigious American university—seemed surprised when informed that my family had hired a live-in domestic helper to help care for our child and deal with domestic chores. He had just arrived from another trip, and since he was going to stay with us for a few days I told him to put his dirty clothes in the laundry basket and our helper would take care of it. My friend objected, saying he would do it himself. I didn't argue at the time, but after a few drinks I mentioned it again and he relented.

AbstractIt is difficult, arguably, for modern leftist thinkers to sympathize with Confucian values that seem best suited to old, boring and deadly serious defenders of conservative traditions. But this stereotypical image may be mistaken. Drawing on his own experience, the author argues that Confucians can and should have a sense of humour and engage in social and political criticism. He also questions the idea that Confucians need to be elderly gentlemen. The article ends with some reflections on Chineseness and Confucianism.

In the United States, the political future is constrained, for better or worse, by constitutional arrangements that have been in place for more than two centuries. Barring dramatic developments, such as nuclear war or major terrorist attacks, it is unlikely that the political system will change much over the next few decades. In China, by contrast, the political future is wide open. According to the formulation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the current system is the "primary stage of socialism," meaning that it's a transitional phase to a higher and superior form of socialism. The economic foundation, along with the legal and political superstructure, will change in the future. For independent intellectuals, the only remotely plausible justification for the current system of economic liberalization combined with tight political control is that it is a temporary necessity given the need to provide social order during the disruptive period of economic development (and many would reject this claim). Nobody argues that the current political system should remain in place once the economy is developed.

Examines some of the possible political models the People's Republic of China might consider shifting to in the wake of economic development. Discussion begins with a look at Marxism, highlighting problems with the implementation of communism. It is argued that few believe Marxism should guide China's political future &, in fact, China has reached the end of Marxist ideology. The government is urging the revival of Confucianism to fill the moral vacuum left by this development. In this light, the main tenets of Confucianism are outlined, & whether it poses a challenge to Western-style liberal democracy is addressed. Issues with national-level democracy are next looked at, drawing on Cai Dingjian's essay on democratization in China. In this light, it is contended that national-level democratic rule will not develop in China; a meritocratic system is seen as the most likely political reform to garner support from political & intellectual elites. D. Edelman