Suchergebnisse

IntroduzioneLa politica ≪ locale ≫ non esiste nelle società industriali avanzate. Infatti, in questi sistemi politici altamente mobili e integrati — sotto il profilo economico se non normativo — gli interessi locali, nazionali e perfino internazionali sono collegati cosí strettamente, che ogni tentativo di restringere l'attenzione al solo livello locale finisce col dimostrarsi inadeguato e spesso anche artificioso. Per esempio, agli studi sul potere nelle comunità è stata mossa la critica che essi generalmente ignorano quale ruolo cruciale abbiano gli ambienti sociali, politici e economici nella definizione dell'ambito in cui si muovono coloro che prendono le decisioni a livello locale e che, inoltre, tali studi non tengono conto del fatto che le piú importanti decisioni locali vengono prese da centri di potere privati e di governo esterni alle comunità locali e che forze potenti, sia locali che non locali, operano la scelta dei problemi da dibattere a livello locale.

IntroduzioneNel 1967 e nel 1968 sono state svolte, in Francia ed in Italia, delle indagini post-elettorali, a livello nazionale, su campioni di opinione pubblica, nell−ambito del medesimo progetto per uno studio comparato fra nazioni sul tema del governo rappresentativo. In questa sede, riferiamo su alcune conclusioni tratte da una serie piú ristretta di dati relativi al rapporto, riscontrabile nei due paesi, fra l−opinione espressa dal pubblico su problemi scelti e le sue preferenze politiche.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction: From Maximalism to Moderation -- Chapter 1. Rethinking Democratic Legitimacy -- Chapter 2. Gauging Political Legitimacy -- Chapter 3. The Transformation of the Agenda of Public Opinion -- Chapter 4. The Golden Decade of the Socialists -- Chapter 5. Identities, Ideologies, and Interests -- Chapter 6. The Puzzle of Participation -- Conclusion: The Mellowing of Mass Politics -- Appendix A. On Gender, Employment Status, Religion, and Civic Engagement -- Appendix B. Effects of the Media on Participation -- Notes -- References -- Index

Drawing on data from four national surveys conducted in Spain since 1978, this article evaluates a theory of political legitimacy that incorporates three elements. The first takes into account the fact that, in instances of regime change, ordinary citizens can meaningfully compare democratic and antidemocratic political systems. The second element considers the content of interregime comparison, in particular, standards of economic growth and social equity. Third, the phenomenon of trust in private and public domains is brought into play for the purpose of specifying a distinctively democratic type of political legitimacy. Finally, the strengths and limitations of the model are discussed, with special reference to its utility in situations where regime transitions are not involved, and where the focus is on mass as well as elite politics.

Social identities based on class, religion, and region underpin political cleavages in Spain. This article examines the salience of divisions based on these identities and estimates changes in the conflict-potential of the cleavages over time. The political consequences as well as the origins of the dimensions of conflict are analyzed. While some of the social identities remain fairly strong—religion, for example, more evidently than class—the direct effects of the cleavages on both within-and extra-system politics at the mass level appear to have weakened. Data are drawn from the third in a series of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1980, and 1984.

The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.

Based on representative national surveys carried out in Spain in 1978, 1980, & 1984, the evolution of the Spanish party system is examined, emphasizing the development of partisan loyalties. It is shown that Spanish citizens quickly developed stable self-locations on a Left-Right scale; however, identifications with particular parties have been slower to develop. It is argued that this tendency has been the result of the volatility of parties, especially the disintegration of the governing union of the Democratic Center, & not volatility on the part of the electorate. 2 Tables. AA