Women and pipelines
In: International affairs, Volume 73, Issue 2, p. 283-296
ISSN: 0020-5850
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In: International affairs, Volume 73, Issue 2, p. 283-296
ISSN: 0020-5850
World Affairs Online
In: Refugee survey quarterly: reports, documentation, literature survey, Volume 15, Issue 2, p. 1-35
ISSN: 1020-4067
In: Freedom in the world: the annual survey of political rights & civil liberties, p. 41-48
ISSN: 0732-6610
In: The Brookings review, Volume 14, Issue 2, p. 46
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Volume 27, Issue 3, p. 384-385
ISSN: 1471-6380
In: Evaluation and Program Planning, Volume 18, Issue 3, p. 281-293
In: Evaluation and program planning: an international journal, Volume 18, Issue 3, p. 281-293
ISSN: 0149-7189
In: Asian survey, Volume 34, Issue 2, p. 185-190
ISSN: 1533-838X
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Volume 34, Issue 2, p. 191-199
ISSN: 0004-4687
World Affairs Online
In: Asian survey: a bimonthly review of contemporary Asian affairs, Volume 34, Issue 2, p. 185-190
ISSN: 0004-4687
World Affairs Online
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Volume 35, Issue 4, p. 71-91
ISSN: 1468-2699
In: Journal of international affairs, Volume 46, Issue 2, p. 469-492
ISSN: 0022-197X
Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist das Scheitern der Vereinten Nationen bei der Herstellung von Frieden in dem vom Bürgerkrieg zerrissenen Afghanistan. Dabei werden die Ursachen für das Scheitern der Konfliktlösung (z.B. politische Organisation des Landes und ethnische Spaltung) ebenso dargestellt wie der durch den Militärputsch von 1978 und die sowjetische Intervention ausgelöste Beginn des Bürgerkrieges, ferner Widerstandsbewegung und internationale Einflüsse und Vermittlungsversuche. Das Scheitern des Modells der Übergangsregierung in Afghanistan wird analysiert. (AuD-Hng)
World Affairs Online
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Volume 35, p. 71-91
ISSN: 0039-6338
Whether Tajikistan can become a stable independent state without a clear national identity and a viable economic and fiscal base for state power.
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Volume 35, Issue 4, p. 71-91
ISSN: 0039-6338
World Affairs Online
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Volume 24, Issue 1, p. 77-99
ISSN: 1471-6380
The study of revolutions now deals as much with states and structures as it does with revolutionaries and their ideologies, in contrast to an older school, which sought their origins in the accumulation of individual grievances. This latter approach inspired many studies of revolutionary "counter-elites," comparing them in particular to the ruling elites. The new importance placed on structural factors for the genesis and success or failure of revolutions does not render these older studies irrelevant, but it should change the way we understand their results.Revolutionaries,Theda Skocpol argued, are above all would-be state builders, and their origins show as much. In France, Russia, and China they "precipitated out of the ranks of relatively highly educated groups oriented to state activities or employments …[a]and from among those who were somewhat marginal to the established classes and governing elites under the Old Regimes." ' Studies of many other countries have also found that revolutionary leaders combine an unusually high level of education with a modest social status that blocks their ascent to power under the prevailing regime.2 Revolutionaries are also more likely to have a cosmopolitan or international orientation that inclines them to be critical of their own societies. This orientation at least partly derives from the high incidence of foreign education and travel among them. Higher education and foreign travel provide revolutionaries with links to "fields of power" in the state and the international system.3