Suchergebnisse

This is an Open Access Article. It is published by Casa Editrice Sapienza under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported Licence (CC BY). Full details of this licence are available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ ; The article is a transcript of a conversation with Andrew Chadwick about his latest book "The Hybrid Media System. Politics and Power" (Oxford University Press, 2013). Andrew Chadwick is professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the New Political Communication Unit in the Department of Politics and International Relations at Royal Holloway, University of London. Starting from the thesis developed in the book, Chadwick argues that we should stop studying digital and older media "in isolation"; on the contrary, according to the British scholar, it is time to adopt "hybridity" as a guiding principle for reconfiguring our understanding of contemporary media systems.

This is an Open Access Article. It is published by University of Southern California under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-ND). Full details of this licence are available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ; The Edward Snowden National Security Agency leak of 2013 was an important punctuating phase in the evolution of political journalism and political communication as media systems continue to adapt to the incursion of digital media logics. The leak's mediation reveals professional news organizations' evolving power in an increasingly congested, complex, and polycentric hybrid media system where the number of news actors has radically increased. We identify the practices through which The Guardian reconfigured and renewed its power and which enabled it to lay bare highly significant aspects of state power and surveillance. This involved exercising a form of strategic, if still contingent, control over the information and communication environments within which the Snowden story developed. This was based upon a range of practices encapsulated by a concept we introduce: boundary-drawing power.

We examine the origins of the recent shift towards "e‐government" in three cases: the United States, Britain, and the European Union. We set out three heuristic models of interaction between states and citizens that might underpin the practice of "e‐government." Focusing on U.S., British, and European Union initiatives, we undertake a comparative analysis of the evolution of key policy statements on e‐government reform in national (and supranational) government. We conclude that the democratic potential of the Internet has been marginalized as a result of the ways in which government use of such technology has been framed since the early 1990s. An executive‐driven, "managerial" model of interaction has assumed dominance at the expense of "consultative" and "participatory" possibilities.

We examine the origins of the recent shift towards "e-government" in three cases: the US, GB, & the European Union. We set out three heuristic models of interaction between states & citizens that might underpin the practice of "e-government." Focusing on US, British, & European Union initiatives, we undertake a comparative analysis of the evolution of key policy statements on e-government reform in national (& supranational) government. We conclude that the democratic potential of the Internet has been marginalized as a result of the ways in which government use of such technology has been framed since the early 1990s. An executive-driven, "managerial" model of interaction has assumed dominance at the expense of "consultative" & "participatory" possibilities. 3 Tables, 73 References. Adapted from the source document.

Digital media continue to reshape political activism in unexpected ways. Within a period of a few years, the internet-enabled UK citizens' movement 38 Degrees has amassed a membership of 3 million and now sits alongside similar entities such as America's MoveOn, Australia's GetUp!, and the transnational movement Avaaz. In this article, we contribute to current thinking about digital media and mobilization by addressing some of the limitations of existing research on these movements and on digital activism more generally. We show how 38 Degrees' digital network repertoires coexist interdependently with its strategy of gaining professional news media coverage. We explain how the oscillations between choreographic leadership and member influence, and between digital media horizontalism and elite media-centric work constitutes the space of interdependencies in which 38 Degrees acts. These delicately balanced relations can quickly dissolve and be replaced by simpler relations of dependence on professional media. Yet despite its fragility, we theorize about how 38 Degrees may boost individuals' political efficacy, irrespective of the outcome of individual campaigns. Our conceptual framework can be used to guide research on similar movements.

The role of digital media practices in reshaping political parties and election campaigns is driven by a tension between control and interactivity, but the overall outcome for the party organizational form is highly uncertain. Recent evidence contradicts scholarship on the so-called "death" of parties and suggests instead that parties may be going through a long-term process of adaptation to postmaterial political culture. We sketch out a conceptual approach for understanding this process, which we argue is being shaped by interactions between the organizations, norms, and rules of electoral politics; postmaterial attitudes toward political engagement; and the affordances and uses of digital media. Digital media foster cultures of organizational experimentation and a party-as-movement mentality that enable many to reject norms of hierarchical discipline and habitual partisan loyalty. This context readily accommodates populist appeals and angry protest—on the right as well as the left. Substantial publics now see election campaigns as another opportunity for personalized and contentious political expression. As a result, we hypothesize that parties are being renewed from the outside in, as digitally enabled citizens breathe new life into an old form by partly remaking it in their own participatory image. Particularly on the left, the overall outcome might prove more positive for democratic engagement and the decentralization of political power than many have assumed.

This paper was accepted for publication in the journal The International Journal of Press/Politics and the definitive published version is available at https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161216646731 ; The role of digital media practices in reshaping political parties and election campaigns is driven by a tension between control and interactivity but the overall outcome for the party organizational form is highly uncertain. Recent evidence contradicts scholarship on the so-called "death" of parties and suggests instead that parties may be going through a long-term process of adaptation to postmaterial political culture. We sketch out a conceptual approach for understanding this process, which we argue is being shaped by interactions between the organizations, norms, and rules of electoral politics; postmaterial attitudes toward political engagement; and the affordances and uses of digital media. Digital media foster cultures of organizational experimentation and a party-as-movement mentality that enable many to reject norms of hierarchical discipline and habitual partisan loyalty. This context readily accommodates populist appeals and angry protest—on the right as well as the left. Substantial publics now see election campaigns as another opportunity for personalized and contentious political expression. As a result, we speculate that parties are being renewed from the outside in as digitally-enabled citizens breathe new life into an old form by (partly) remaking it in their own participatory image. Particularly on the left, the overall outcome might prove more positive for democratic engagement and the decentralization of political power than many have assumed.