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How do individuals of Asian descent in the US identify themselves in ethnic terms & why? The purpose of this research is to map the contours of ethnic self-identities among Asian adults & explain their identity preferences in this immigrant community of color. We analyze a new & large-scale survey that collected public opinion from randomly selected individuals of the six largest Asian American descents who resided in five major metropolitan areas in 2000-2001. We find that two-thirds of the respondents prefer to identify themselves in ethnic-specific modes. Although only one in six respondents preferred to identify themselves as "Asian American," close to six in 10 respondents indicated acceptance to this pan-ethnic term as part of their identification. Using multinomial regression analysis, we show that indicators of primordial ties & prior socialization, in addition to cultural, social, & political integration, are instrumental in structuring ethnic identity preferences among Asian Americans. Our results confirm ethnic identity as a fluid, malleable, & layered phenomenon that depends on context. Our findings also highlight the need for reconsideration & expansion of the extant conceptual frameworks on studying ethnic identity formation for a nonwhite, multiethnic, multilingual, & globally connected population. 3 Tables, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

Objective. How do individuals of Asian descent in the United States identify themselves in ethnic terms and why? The purpose of this research is to map the contours of ethnic self-identities among Asian adults and explain their identity preferences in this immigrant community of color. Methods. We analyze a new and large-scale survey that collected public opinion from randomly selected individuals of the six largest Asian American descents who resided in five major metropolitan areas in 2000-2001. Results. We find that two-thirds of the respondents prefer to identify themselves in ethnic-specific modes. Although only one in six respondents preferred to identify themselves as "Asian American," close to six in ten respondents indicated acceptance to this panethnic term as part of their identification. Using multinomial regression analysis, we show that indicators of primordial ties and prior socialization, in addition to cultural, social, and political integration, are instrumental in structuring ethnic identity preferences among Asian Americans. Conclusions. Our results confirm ethnic identity as a fluid, malleable, and layered phenomenon that depends on context. Our findings also highlight the need for reconsideration and expansion of the extant conceptual frameworks on studying ethnic identity formation for a nonwhite, multiethnic, multilingual, and globally connected population. (Original abstract)

Scholars of minority political participation have shown significant interest in unraveling the complex but crucial role of group-basedresources. Although there is an emerging scholarship on Latinos, much of the work on group consciousness, group identity, and ethnic organizations is based on research on Black Americans. Increasing diversity in the United States brings necessary attention to expanding the model to the politics and participation of other non-White, multiethnic, and immigrant majority communities. Using a new and unique dataset designed to tap the political opinion and behavior of Asian Americans, the authors find that the usefulness of group-based resources for this rapidly expanding and heterogeneous population is contingent on the specific form of the resources and the mode of political participation.

The impact of news media use on fifth- & sixth-grade children's political participation & attitudes of support for the political party system & the electoral system is examined, using data from a paper & pencil questionnaire administered to 760 children in early Jan 1973. A series of causal models are tested. The relationships between 4 antecedent variables (parental news media use, instructional method used in the classroom, gender, & grade in school) & children's levels of news media use & their political knowledge are examined using path analysis, with the relationship between children's knowledge & news media use being estimated using 2-stage least squares. The hypothesized nonrecursive relationship between child's news media use & child's political knowledge is found. Initial analysis indicates no relationship between gender & either child's news media use or knowledge, & grade in school is not related to child's news media use. Separate estimations suggest that knowledge may have a greater impact on news media use for boys than for girls. Child's political knowledge & news media use were then treated as intervening variables; all possible recursive paths between the 6 initial variables & each of the 3 independent variables (participation, political system support, & electoral system support) were estimated. Analysis indicates that child's news media use & level of political knowledge about US political processes are consistently more important in determining the level of political participation, support for political parties, & support for the electoral system than are instructional method, parental news media use, gender, or grade in school. In general, only marginal effects on the dependent variables can be credited to grade in school & to gender differences, with the exception of electoral system support, where moderate effects attributable to gender differences occur. Among the socialization agent variables, parental news media use displays largely indirect effects, being important only with regard to political participation. Instructional method has both indirect & direct effects on all 3 dependent variables, but especially on political participation. The value of relatively elaborate theoretical models, allowing for developmental sequences, is demonstrated. 2 Tables, 5 Figures, Appendix. AA.

What factors best account for the 1974 congressional election results? Were the Democratic party gains in House seats due mainly to the behavior of "strategic politicians" who sought or accepted candidacies and raised effective campaign war chests? Or were the Democratic gains due more to the impact of Watergate and the economy on voters' choices? In this Controversy, Gary C. Jacobson and Samuel Kernell defend the "strategic politicians" thesis, while Eric Uslaner and Margaret Conway stand by their more conventional accounting of the 1974 election outcome.