Suchergebnisse

A partir de una vision de la evolucion probable de los principales condicionantes economicos que enfrentan los paises de la region, en especial la deuda externa, el autor esboza los trazos de una estrategia para impulsar el desarrollo a mediano y largo plazo

L'etude des processus politiques contemporains de l'Amerique Latine doit etre basee sur une analyse minutieuse de la realite sociale. Elle exige une approche eclectique qui combine les elements utils des theories de la modernisation, du fonctionnalisme et du marxisme. Parmi les aspects les plus importants a analyser, il y a la structure de la pyramide sociale et du pouvoir de l'etat, les phenomenes de violence et les formes de participation populaire. Les partis politiques jouent un role particulierement essentiel dans les processus politiques, comme l'une des conditions d'une democratie viable

In the book "Sociology of Political Processes" of which this paper constitutes the last chapter, an attempt has been made to develop a basic system of variables for the description of a society, and a set of hypotheses about the relationships between these variables. For this, various theoretical elements have been taken, and the historical experience, especially of Latin American countries, has been examined. The objective is to facilitate the comparative analysis of political processes. A systematization of this type requires responding in all cases to a common list of questions, necessary to give values to the basic variables mentioned above. The model is here a thought format that implies that society can be described on the basis of a number of variables. The values of the variables for successive periods leave a trace, which represents the historical process. ; En el libro "Sociología de los Procesos Políticos" del cual este trabajo constituye el último capítulo, se ha tratado de desarrollar un sistema básico de variables para la descripción de una sociedad, y un conjunto de hipótesis acerca de las relaciones entre esas variables. Para eso se han tomado elementos teóricos diversos, y se ha examinado la experiencia histórica, sobre todo de países latinoamericanos. El objetivo es facilitar el análisis comparativo de los procesos políticos. Una sistematización de este tipo obliga a responder en todos los casos a una común lista de preguntas, necesarias para dar valores a las variables básicas antes aludidas. El modelo es aquí un formato de pensamiento que implica que la sociedad puede ser descripta en base a un número de variables. Los valores de las variables para sucesivos períodos van dejando una traza, que representa al proceso histórico.

THE ELECTIONS IN ARGENTINA HAVE BEEN A SURPRISE TO everybody. The results, contrasted with those of 1973, were the following:

THE INSTABILITY OF MOST LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES derives to a large extent from the difficulty of incorporating the working class and other popular strata into the political system. Euro ean countries also had to face a similar challenge decades ago, gut the central position they had in the international economic system helped to ease the tensions. In the Third world or Latin America the problem is compounded because to the working class must be added large sectors of urban marginals, peasants and often the impoverished middle classes. These groups tend to form broadly-based parties which become the main contenders for power against the dominant establishment. They are placed in a somewhat similar position to that occupied by Labour, Social Democratic or Eurocommunist parties in Europe or Japan. But they are based on different organizational and ideological elements, and their popular rather than workingclass nature often involves strange coalitions. Brazil and Argentina share fully these traits. In order to understand the characteristics of the popular political parties in those two countries one must examine them in a Latin American comparative perspective.

An analysis of the Oct 1983 elections in Argentina, in which the radical party achieved 51% of the vote, badly defeating both Peronist & rightist groups, & which represented a sharp contrast with 1973 results. The economic depression & high unemployment that caused the Mcs to gradually lose confidence in the Peronist & military governments, the failure of the Malvinas conflict with GB, & other events are discussed. Outlined are strategies that the new radical government would do well to follow, including cooperating with trade union leaders & cultivating Peronist interests. D. Dunseath.

THE MALVINAS WAR HAS BEEN FOR ARGENTINA WHAT CYPRUS was for the Greek colonels. Unfortunately we lack a Karamanlis, and the Junta regime has lost the six years it has been in office without developing a political project of its own. In this sense, our situation is very different from that of Brazil, where the ruling military have had time to 'open up' the political system gradually.To understand the mind of the Argentine armed forces one has to realize that they felt disappointed by the Martinez de Hoz administration (1976–81). Actually, this is putting it mildly. They felt betrayed: it is as though the Argentine economy had been bombed for the past six years. A familiar experience? Possibly, but unlike some European countries, we lack the institutional mechanisms. Besides, the Argentine military felt that while they did their part in stopping the guerrillas, the specialists they put in charge of economic matters did not do their job. The team of economists, headed by José Martínez de Hoz, was a local version of 'Chicago boys', backed by international finance and its world economic pundits. A contorted version of 'liberalism' invaded our beaches, giving us nineternth-century laissez faire plus a foolish overvaluation of the peso which made Buenos Aires the costliest city in the world, and rendered competition against imports impossible. Quite a few people thought this was necessary because, as the widely displayed sticker on our cars has it, 'to reduce the state is to strengthen the nation'. The idea is that Argentina would finally be a real part of the Western Christian world and, inspired by European and North American examples, would throw away protectionism and all its trappings, never to look at it again.

The political expression of the Argentine working class has been a subject of concern to social scientists and other interested observers for some time. The country was one of the first in Latin America to have autonomous trade unions and political parties or ideological groups dedicated to the defense of labor interests. During the 1940s a major reorientation took place associated with the advent of Peronism. How did this change come about? Was it a totally new departure, or was it rather an adjustment of tactics on the part of the existing structures? How different is the Argentine labor movement—both in its trade unions and its political expressions—from others in comparable countries? This article seeks to explore this problem, based on a theoretical reassessment of the issues involved in working-class organizations as they emerged in the Argentine historical experience.