Suchergebnisse

The licensed childminders recently benefited from measures which have resulted in some improvement in their status and working conditions. Against a background of high demand for this childcare arrangement, the issue of additional training has been brought to the fore by public authorities, to enhance the profession's status and make it more attractive. However, these measures would be effective only if they go hand in hand with a prospect of higher earnings. But in a context of budgetary constraints, it means that the costs to parents would increase. Interviews carried out with childminders suggested that they aresceptical about parents' willingness to pay. A survey among a representative sample of parents living in the Val-de-Marne region who are currently relying on a childminder was performed. Only a third of them would be willing to pay more for the services of more qualified and better trained childminders. Higher income, higher number of mothers' working hours and perceptions of childminder as a profession characterize this group of parents.

Résumé Grâce aux revalorisations des prestations familiales durant les années 1990, l'Allemagne consacre désormais des dépenses plus importantes à la « fonction famille/enfants » que la France. Les deux pays compensent ainsi partiellement, par le biais d'une combinaison complexe de dispositifs fiscaux et de prestations familiales, les coûts financiers liés à la présence d'enfants. L'Allemagne se distingue toutefois par un soutien plus généreux en direction des familles avec un ou deux enfants, alors que la France privilégie les familles nombreuses. En outre, les avantages fiscaux représentent une dimension essentielle du système de transferts en faveur des familles dans les deux pays.

Este artigo analisa se as reformas recentemente introduzidas nas políticas da família, tanto em França como na Alemanha, estão a direccionar os dois países para uma convergência. A Alemanha tem introduzido mudanças drásticas, especialmente um novo subsídio de licença parental, enquanto a França, por seu lado, optou por uma abordagem mais gradual que se tem traduzido por um reforço da promoção das suas políticas de conciliação trabalho-família juntamente com um aumento continuado da oferta de serviços de cuidados a crianças durante a última década. Apesar de um aumento na oferta global de equipamentos de cuidados a crianças, a Alemanha continua atrás da França neste domínio, fenómeno que pode ser parcialmente explicado por uma combinação de obstáculos institucionais, a persistência de normas sociais no que diz respeito aos cuidados a crianças com idades inferiores a três anos e uma procura excessiva. Defendemos que os principais motores para uma mudança paradigmática na Alemanha têm sido as preocupações com as consequências do declínio da fertilidade, da falta de trabalhadores qualificados e, segundo um estudo da OCDE, o desvanecimento de certezas sobre a educação infantil. Em França, as reformas nas políticas de licenças parentais têm apostado, por exemplo no maior encorajamento das mães a manter o vínculo laboral mesmo enquanto estão de licença. Mas, enquanto as reformas adoptadas por parte da Alemanha representam um corte radical com o antigo modelo masculino de provedor da família, as taxas de emprego das mães permanecem mais baixas do queemFrança e as mães alemãs trabalham com mais frequência a tempo parcial do que as suas homólogas francesas. ; This article investigates whether the recent reforms introduced in the family policies of both France and Germany are leading the two countries towards some measure of convergence. Germany has favoured dramatic changes, especially a new parental leave allowance, while France, for its part, has chosen a more gradual approach that has translated into an enhancement of its promotion ofwork-family reconciliation policies along with steady increases in spending related to childcare provision over the last decade. Despite a rise in its overall supply of childcare Germany still lags far behind France in this domain, aphenomenonthat can be partially explained by a combination of institutional obstacles, the persistence of social norms governing childcare for under- 3s, and excessive demand.We argue that the main drivers for paradigmatic change in Germany have been concerns over the consequences of declining fertility; a shortfall of qualified workers; and, the shattering of certitudes following an OECD study on childhood education. In France reforms in parental leave policies have been more incremental with, for example, mothers being encouraged to retain their links to theworkforce even while on leave. But while the reforms adopted by Germany represent a radical departure from the former 'male-breadwinner model', mothers' employment rates remain lower than in France and German mothers work part-time with much greater frequency than their French counterparts. ; Nous analysons les réformes introduites depuis les années 1990 dans les politiques relatives aux aides à la conciliation travail/famille en France et en Allemagne et examinons si elles contribuent à une relative convergence dans ce domaine. L'Allemagne a réformé le congé parental (Elterngeld) en s'inspirant du modèle suédois, tandis que la France a poursuivi ses efforts en faveur des politiques d'accueil du jeune enfant sans pour autant modifier le dispositif du congé parental qui reste peu rémunéré. Outre-Rhin, tous les enfants âgés de trois à six ans bénéficient maintenant d'une place dans un jardin d'enfants, le plus souvent à temps partiel. L'accueil des enfants de moins de trois ans, en revanche, reste très limité. Des obstacles institutionnels, la persistance des normes éducatives et une forte demande expliquent ces différences entre les deux pays. Parmi les facteurs de changement, en Allemagne, figurent les préoccupations démographiques, la pénurie de travailleurs qualifiés et la volonté politique d'augmenter les taux d'emploi des mères, compte tenu de la diminution de la population active. La participation de celles-ci au marché du travail a beaucoup augmenté mais demeure moins élevée qu'en France et elles travaillent plus souvent à temps partiel que leurs homologues françaises. Onpeut conclure toutefois qu'on assiste à une relative convergence des politiques familiales des deux pays. ; Este artículo analiza si las reformas recientemente introducidas en las políticas de la familia, tanto en Francia como en Alemania, están direccionando a los dos países para una convergencia. Alemania ha introducido cambios drásticos, especialmente un nuevo subsidio de licencia parental. Francia, por su lado, optó por un abordaje más gradual que se ha traducido por un refuerzo de la promoción de sus políticas de conciliación trabajo-familia conjuntamente con un aumento continuado de la oferta de servicios de cuidado para niños durante la última década. Apesar de un aumento en la oferta global de equipamientos de cuidados para los niños, Alemania continua atrás de Francia en este dominio, fenómeno que puede ser parcialmente explicado por una combinación de obstáculos institucionales, la persistencia de normas sociales en lo que se refiere a los cuidados de niños con edades inferiores a tres años y una búsqueda excesiva. Nosotros defendemos que los principales motores para el cambio paradigmático en Alemania han sido las preocupaciones con las consecuencias del declive de la fertilidad, de la falta de trabajadores calificados y del desvanecimiento de certezas sobre educación infantil según un estudio de la OCDE. En Francia, las reformas en las políticas de licencias parentales han sido demayor destaque, como, por ejemplo, la valentía de las madres por mantener el vínculo laboral aún estando de licencia. Sin embargo, las reformas adoptadas por parte de Alemania representan un corte radical con el antiguo modelo masculino de proveedor de familia, las tazas de empleo de las madres permanecen más bajas que en Francia y las madres alemanas trabajan con más frecuencia de tiempo parcial de que sus homólogas francesas.

Using the model family method, we compared the social and fiscal systems in 11 EU member states for providing financial resources to households with children. We then used these comparisons to answer the following questions: After the impact of various benefits and taxes, what is the difference in the net disposable income of a childless couple compared with a family with children where both families have the same income? To what extent are certain systems of transfers utilized as an instrument of horizontal redistribution? To what extent are certain transfers used as a means of vertical redistribution? How do transfers for families with an identical number of children vary according to the families' income levels? Austria is far and away the most generous country when it comes to cash provision to families. Nevertheless, levels of fertility remain low resembling those of Germany. Bringing up the rear at the opposite end of the spectrum is the Netherlands. France, Belgium, Austria, and to a lesser degree, Germany all tend to favour large families with France and Belgium becoming rather less favourable than the other two when it comes to providing assistance to couples and lone parent families with only one child. The Nordic countries, the UK and Ireland are all distinguished by a strong emphasis on vertical redistribution, favouring families with modest revenues. Our results confirm arguments in favor of promoting measures that place greater emphasis on benefits in kind over simple cash benefits.

Using the model family method, we compared the social and fiscal systems in 11 EU member states for providing financial resources to households with children. We then used these comparisons to answer the following questions: After the impact of various benefits and taxes, what is the difference in the net disposable income of a childless couple compared with a family with children where both families have the same income? To what extent are certain systems of transfers utilized as an instrument of horizontal redistribution? To what extent are certain transfers used as a means of vertical redistribution? How do transfers for families with an identical number of children vary according to the families' income levels? Austria is far and away the most generous country when it comes to cash provision to families. Nevertheless, levels of fertility remain low resembling those of Germany. Bringing up the rear at the opposite end of the spectrum is the Netherlands. France, Belgium, Austria, and to a lesser degree, Germany all tend to favour large families with France and Belgium becoming rather less favourable than the other two when it comes to providing assistance to couples and lone parent families with only one child. The Nordic countries, the UK and Ireland are all distinguished by a strong emphasis on vertical redistribution, favouring families with modest revenues. Our results confirm arguments in favor of promoting measures that place greater emphasis on benefits in kind over simple cash benefits.

Le nombre de familles bénéficiaires de l'allocation de garde d'enfant à domicile (AGED) a très fortement augmenté depuis 1994. Le doublement du montant maximum de la prestation, son extension aux familles ayant un enfant âgé de trois à six ans et l'augmentation de la déduction fiscale liée aux emplois familiaux expliquent ce phénomène. Cependant, les bénéficiaires sont très inégalement répartis sur le territoire français et l'AGED remporte un plus grand succès dans certaines circonscriptions que dans d'autres. Enfin, les parents qui rémunèrent une personne pour garder leur(s) enfant(s) à domicile dans le cadre de ce dispositif sont majoritairement des familles aisées.

Les familles bénéficiaires de l'allocation de garde d'enfant à domicile (AGED) sont souvent exigeantes à l'égard de la salariée qui garde leur(s) enfant(s) chez elles. En outre, la salariée réside fréquemment à proximité du domicile de l'employeur, ce qui permet à celui-ci de s'assurer de sa disponibilité et de sa ponctualité. Mais, pour les employées à temps plein, les journées de travail sont longues et les heures de retour a leur domicile tardives. Outre la garde des enfants, elles accomplissent presque toujours une série de tâches ménagères. Pourtant, pour la majorité d'entre elles, le niveau de rémunération est approximativement celui du SMIC.

We explore certain aspects of the 'gentrification' process in the city of Paris and try to explain the growing fashion among upper-middle-class families for the centre of the capital. Based upon data from a survey and in-depth interviews of couples who had recently moved, we focus on their trade-offs and compromises and identify their residential choices, by comparing various aspects of the lifestyle of those who live in a Paris neighbourhood with the lifestyle of those who live in the near and the more distant suburbs. Living in the centre often means the subordination of housing to the choice of a location which expresses a strong attachment to urban values. Commuting time is also a determinant factor in the choice of housing location.