The French Parliament, 1958-1967
In: International Journal, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 851
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In: International Journal, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 851
In: SAIS review, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 21
The European Commission has often used its merger‐review power to challenge high‐profile acquisitions involving non‐E.U. companies, giving rise to concerns that its competition authority has evolved into a powerful tool for industrial policy. The Commission has been accused of deliberately targeting foreign – especially U.S. – acquirers, while facilitating the creation of European national champions. These concerns, however, rest on a few famous anecdotes. In this article, we introduce a unique dataset that allows us to provide the first rigorous examination of these claims. Our analysis of the over 5,000 mergers reported to the Commission between 1990 and 2014 reveals no evidence that the Commission has systematically used its authority to protectionist ends. If anything, our results suggest that the Commission is less likely to challenge transactions involving non‐E.U. acquirers. Our analysis therefore challenges the common notion of European antitrust protectionism and shifts the burden of proof to those advancing this view.
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In: Military behavioral health, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 64-66
ISSN: 2163-5803
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 423
ISSN: 0020-7020
In: Journal of contingencies and crisis management, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 234
ISSN: 0966-0879
In: Comparative politics, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 399
ISSN: 2151-6227
In: Canadian public policy: Analyse de politiques, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 436
ISSN: 1911-9917
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 71, Heft 5, S. 198
ISSN: 2327-7793
We develop and apply a new and more rigorous methodology by which to measure and understand both insider trading and the agency costs of hedge fund activism. We use quantitative data to show a systematic relationship between the appointment of a hedge fund nominated director to a corporate board and an increase in informed trading in that corporation's stock (with the relationship being most pronounced when the fund's slate of directors includes a hedge fund employee). This finding is important from two different perspectives. First, from a governance perspective, activist hedge funds represent a new and potent force in corporate governance. A robust debate continues as to whether activist funds reduce the agency costs of corporate governance, but this is the first attempt to investigate whether the activist hedge fund also imposes new agency costs through widened bid/ask spreads and informed trading. Second, although insider trading is almost universally condemned, it has only been studied in individual cases. Using instead a quantitative approach, we develop a tool that enables regulators (civil and criminal) to identify suspicious trading patterns: Both to demonstrate such a pattern and to map these new agency costs, we assembled a data set of 475 settlement agreements, between target companies and activists funds relating to the appointment of fund nominated directors, from 2000 and 2015, in order to focus on what happens once such a fund-nominated director goes on the board. Among our principal findings are: Prevalence of Hedge Fund Employees on Slate. Approximately 70% of fund-nominated director slates include a hedge fund employee. Increase in Information Leakage. Once a fund-nominated director goes on the board, an abrupt increase in "information leakage" follows, with the result that the target corporation's stock price begins to anticipate future public disclosures. Specifically, we examine some 635,450 Form 8-K's filed by 7,799 public traded companies over the period of January 1, 2000 to September 30, 2016, and we construct a control group for each of the corporations subject to an activist intervention. We find that firms appointing an activist nominee or nominees experience a difference-in-differences increase in leakage of 25-27 percentage points. Hedge Funds versus Other Activists. We next consider whether post-appointment increases in leakage depend on the identity of the activist investors (i.e., hedge fund versus other activist investors). We find that the leakage effect is clearly driven by hedge fund activists (and no other type of activist). Leakage and Hedge Fund Employees. We investigate whether leakage increases depend on the identity of the director appointed to target firm's board, distinguishing between hedge fund employees and non-hedge fund employees. We find that the increase in leakage is driven by the appointment of activist fund employees to the corporate board (and not by the appointment of other persons, such as industry professionals). Leakage and Confidentiality Provisions. We consider whether post-settlement increases in leakage are associated with confidentiality provisions restricting information sharing in the settlement agreements. The majority of settlement agreements have no confidentiality provisions, and information leakage is concentrated in these cases. Market Response to Settlement Agreements. We next examine whether the stock market's response to settlement agreements depends on (a) whether a hedge fund employee is on the director slate, and (b) whether the settlement agreement contains or refers to a confidentiality provision. We find that the 5-day CAR is more than twice as high (4.2% vs. 1.97%) for settlements with only non-employee directors and also significantly higher (2.02% vs. 0.42%) for settlements with an explicit restriction on information sharing. Effect on Bid-Ask Spread. Bid-ask spreads increase by statistically meaningful amounts in our treatment group after an activist director gains access to the boardroom. Bid-ask spreads do not widen for the control groups. Further, we find that the increase in bid-ask spreads is concentrated in those cases in which (i) a hedge fund employee is appointed to the board, or (ii) no confidentiality provision is referenced in the settlement agreement. Options Trading. We find that options trading increases significantly after the appointment of an activist director and in a manner consistent with informed trading. Consistent with earlier research on informed trading, we find that options traders exploit unscheduled Form 8-K filings. Implications. The foregoing pattern is most plausibly explained as the product of informed trading. Material, non-public information appears to travel on a conduit from the hedge fund's employee-director to others, whose trades move the market price prior to public disclosure. We reach no conclusions about who is trading or its legality in any individual case. Yet, the widened bid-ask spread strongly suggests that the market expects such trading, and the much more positive market response to director slates without a hedge fund employee (or with a confidentiality provision) suggests that the market suspects that informed trading is closely associated with the appointment of a hedge fund employee to the board. Hypothesis. Our data suggests that the ability to engage in informed trading is a significant subsidy that may inflate the rate of hedge fund activism (producing more engagements than if stronger controls on information sharing were imposed) and may encourage activists to pursue inefficient engagements. Further, information sharing may be the cement that holds together a "wolf-pack" of activists that would otherwise logically be unstable. Reforms. We consider and evaluate a variety of possible reforms that are consistent with an energetic role for hedge fund activism, but that remove (to various degrees) the subsidy of informed trading.
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In: Military behavioral health, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 59-67
ISSN: 2163-5803
In: International Journal, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 533
In: Midwest journal of political science: publication of the Midwest Political Science Association, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 158
The Supreme Court has looked to the rights of corporate shareholders in determining the rights of union members and non-members to control political spending, and vice versa. The Court sometimes assumes that if shareholders disapprove of corporate political expression, they can easily sell their shares or exercise control over corporate spending. This assumption is mistaken. Because of how capital is saved and invested, most individual shareholders cannot obtain full information about corporate political activities, even after the fact, nor can they prevent their savings from being used to speak in ways with which they disagree. Individual shareholders have no "opt out" rights or practical ability to avoid subsidizing corporate political expression with which they disagree. Nor do individuals have the practical option to refrain from putting their savings into equity investments, as doing so would impose damaging economic penalties and ignore conventional financial guidance for individual investors.
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