Introduction: social capital and political integration of migrants
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 419-427
ISSN: 1469-9451
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In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 419-427
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 419-428
ISSN: 1369-183X
In: Regional & federal studies, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 127-139
ISSN: 1743-9434
In: Regional and federal studies, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 127-139
ISSN: 1359-7566
In: Tijdschrift voor Sociologie, Band 21, Heft 3
ISSN: 0777-883X
In their study of the 1991 Census, the team of social geographer Kesteloot has used the number of Turks and Moroccans, the number of single households and the number of blue collar workers as main indicators to distinguish disfavoured neighbourhoods. In this article theoretical and methodological objections are raised in response to this approach, in order to trace disfavoured neighbourhoods in the Region of Brussels Capital, an alternative method is put forward. This method allows to set up a ranking of disfavoured neighbourhoods. Disfavoured neighbourhoods often appear to be neighbourhoods with high concentration of immigrants, but this essentially because of the high correlation between concentration of immigrants and unemployment. There are, however, some interesting exceptions to this general pattern, While these remarkable exceptions risk to go unnoticed in the classical approach, they clearly come to the fore when using the alternative method.
The October 2000 elections did constitute a landmark for the political participation of immigrants in the Brussels Capital Region. There was a remarkable increase of elected Belgian politicians of non-EU – mainly Moroccan – origin. In this contribution we want to discuss the changing patterns of political participation of immigrants in the Brussels Capital Region as seen in the most recent local elections. We will try to contextualize the electoral success of Turkish and (mainly) Moroccan politicians and the poor involvement of EU-citizens in the recent elections. To this purpose, we will also have to discuss the political situation in the bilingual region of Brussels, Belgian citizenship law and regulations on political participation of foreign residents. ; Las elecciones de octubre de 2000 constituyeron un hito para la participación política de los inmigrantes en la región de Bruselas capital. Se produjo un considerable aumento del número de políticos belgas de origen extranjero, principalmente marroquíes, que fueron elegidos. En este artículo queremos hablar sobre los patrones de participación política de los inmigrantes en la región de Bruselas capital que, como hemos podido comprobar en las últimas elecciones locales, están cambiando. Trataremos de contextualizar el éxito electoral de los políticos turcos y marroquíes, principalmente de estos últimos, y la escasa participación de los ciudadanos de la Unión Europea en las últimas elecciones. Para ello tendremos que hablar también de la situación política de la región bilingüe de Bruselas, la ley de ciudadanía belga y las regulaciones existentes en materia de participación política de los residentes extranjeros.
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In: Zukunft der transkulturellen Bildung - Zukunft der Migration., S. 132-147
Die Verfasser präsentieren Ergebnisse einer Untersuchung, die sie in Belgien durchgeführt haben. Das Ziel ist herauszufinden, ob die Zugehörigkeit zu einer Minderheit die Wahrnehmung der Gruppendiskriminierung beeinflusst. Die Forscher gehen von drei Annahmen aus: (1) Die Gruppe wird von der Aufnahmegesellschaft besonders diskriminiert, (2) die Zugehörigkeit zu einer bestimmten ethnischen Minderheit beeinflusst Wahrnehmung der Diskriminierung und (3) soziokulturelles Wissen und Kenntnisse der (Mehrheits-) Sprache fördern interethnische Kontakte und mindern das Gefühl der Gruppendiskriminierung. Untersucht wurden zwei Gruppen in Brüssel, aus Marokko (N=392) und aus der Türkei (N=587). Es wird die These vertreten, dass die Aktivitäten der Migranten im Rahmen von interethnischen Organisationen (z. B. Gewerkschaften) negativ mit dem Gefühl, diskriminiert zu sein, korrelieren. Daraus wird der Schluss gezogen, dass die Wahrnehmung von Gruppendiskriminierung als ein Indiz für mangelnde soziale Integration interpretiert werden muss. (ICF).
In: Zukunft der transkulturellen Bildung - Zukunft der Migration, S. 132-147
This contribution aims at discussing the strand on political participation of the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). After having discussed the general topic of political integration of foreigners, we will first focus our attention on the choice of indicators in MIPEX. Subsequently we will analyse some of the results of the MIPEX exercise with regard to political participation of third country nationals (TCNs). It turns out political liberties for TCNs are still not assurend in all EU Member States. Furthermore, there seems to be no trade off between access to nationality and political rights for non-nationals, although this is often assumed. There does, however, seem to be a link between public opinion on diversity in politics and the openness of a state with regard to political participation of immigrants. Overall, it is safe to say there is still quite some room for improvement as far as policies towards political inclusion of TCNs are concerned.
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This contribution aims at discussing the strand on political participation of the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). After having discussed the general topic of political integration of foreigners, we will first focus our attention on the choice of indicators in MIPEX. Subsequently we will analyse some of the results of the MIPEX exercise with regard to political participation of third country nationals (TCNs). It turns out political liberties for TCNs are still not assurend in all EU Member States. Furthermore, there seems to be no trade off between access to nationality and political rights for non-nationals, although this is often assumed. There does, however, seem to be a link between public opinion on diversity in politics and the openness of a state with regard to political participation of immigrants. Overall, it is safe to say there is still quite some room for improvement as far as policies towards political inclusion of TCNs are concerned.
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In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 543-559
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 543-560
ISSN: 1369-183X
In: Routledge series on global order studies
Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: conceptual thinking in migration studies -- 1 Border: meanings, practices and fields in academia, politics, and public domains -- 2 Citizenship: from liberal right to neoliberally earned -- 3 Cohesion: beyond the diversity threatening hypothesis -- 4 Cosmopolitanism: moral universalism and the politics of migration -- 5 Discrimination: studying the racialized structure of disadvantage -- 6 Diversity: polyphony of the concept -- 7 Identity and immigration: core concepts -- 8 Integration: a critical view -- 9 Interculturalism: reimagining dialogue and connectedness in super-diverse realities -- 10 Mobility and migration: physical, contextual, and perspectival interpretations -- 11 Multiculturalism: maximum misunderstanding -- 12 Nationalism: the concept and its varieties -- 13 Secularism: political secularism and post-immigration ethno-religious communities -- 14 Tolerance: recognition, reasonable accommodation, and minority rights -- 15 Transnationalism: theory and experience -- Index.
http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/fiche/view/2726 ; Le fichier attaché à cette référence, version publiée de l'œuvre, est librement accessible, sans embargo, en accord avec les Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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