Suchergebnisse

Decolonisation in sub-Saharan Africa began in January 1956 when the Sudan joined long-independent Ethiopia and Liberia as a new, post-colonial state. Although the process is not yet complete because of the disputed status of Namibia and South Africa's continued rule by a white minority, over the past 30 years as many as 43 new states have achieved independence from colonial rule, the most recent being Zimbabwe in April 1980.

TheAugust 1983 overthrow of Major Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo by Captain Thomas Sankara in Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), the New Year's Eve abrupt termination in Nigeria of Black Africa's largest multi-party democracy, and the decision by the Guinean army in April 1984 to remove their party leaders after the death of President Sékou Touré, illustrate two of the most salient realities of contemporary African politics: (1) militarycoups d'étatare the principal form of régime change, and (2) they can happen under any type of political system–a functioning democracy, a personalistic civilian dictatorship, or an already existing military junta.1

Incorporating cultural intelligence into joint intelligence : cultural intelligence and ethnographic intelligence theory / by Alexei J.D. Gavriel -- The use of evolutionary theory in modeling culture and cultural conflict / by Marc W.D. Tyrrell -- Employing data fusion in cultural analysis and COIN in tribal social systems / by Steffen Merten -- Weapons of the not so weak in Afghanistan : Pashtun agrarian structure and tribal organization / by Thomas J. Barfield -- Religious figures, insurgency, and jihad in southern Afghanistan / by Thomas H. Johnson -- The Durand line : tribal politics and Pakistan-Afghanistan relations / by Feroz Hassan Khan -- The maneuver company in Afghanistan : establishing counterinsurgency priorities at the district level / by Michael R. Fenzel -- Developing an IO environmental assessment in Khost province, Afghanistan : information operations at Provincial Reconstruction Team Khost in 2008 / by Robert J. Bebber -- Implementing a balanced counterinsurgency strategy in northeast Afghanistan, May 2007-July 2008 / by Nathan R. Springer

Alcohol availability is a consistent predictor of domestic violence, including intimate partner violence. Less is known about the effects of alcohol availability in neighboring units of analysis on domestic violence. This study examined whether alcohol outlet density in Milwaukee, Wisconsin is associated with Male-on-Female domestic violence (MFDV). Using block groups as the unit of analysis ( N = 571), spatial regression models were estimated to model the relationship between the density of total, on-premise, and off-premise alcohol outlets on MFDV, while accounting for the spatial spillover effect (i.e., alcohol availability and neighborhood characteristics in focal and surrounding block groups). At the focal level, off-premise alcohol outlets are associated with MFDV, net of concentrated disadvantage, lack of health insurance, MFDV lag and total population. Additionally, off-premise alcohol outlet density in surrounding units of analysis is a significant predictor of MFDV. However, total and on-premise densities did not demonstrate a relationship with MFDV.

This article's primarily focus concerns Afghanistan's 'democratic' electoral processes and procedures. Fraud and other critical aspects of the 2018 election for the Wolesi Jirga, Afghanistan's lower house of parliament, are systematically assessed and official election data and results are examined in depth. As witnessed in earlier Wolesi Jirga elections, this legislative election was duplicitous and unrepresentative. By definition, a democratic legislature serves as the voice of a country's population. Assessing the voting results in Kabul, the largest and most important province, can summarise the problems of the election. The leading 'vote getter' in the Kabul Province got a mere 2.0 per cent of the vote—11,158 out of 666,478 votes cast. Twenty-six of the elected Wolesi Jirga legislators received less than 1 per cent of the vote. Only 23.5 per cent of Kabuli voters voted for a winning candidate. Overall, this article paints a bleak picture of the state of democracy in Afghanistan. The already restricted Afghan environment is further hindered by operational mismanagement by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) throughout the electoral process. The single non-transferable voting (SNTV) system again proved to be a disaster resulting in the vast majority of Afghans voting for losing candidates and winning candidates receiving few votes.

The article of record as published may be found at https://thestrategybridge.org/the-bridge/2018/12/13/political-legitimacy-why-we-are-failing-in-afghanistan

The AfPak Channel, ForeignPolicy.com, January 18, 2012 ; Afghanistan policy, like Vietnam policy before it, has taken on a life of its own, impervious to ground truth. The simple reality is that "peace talks" with the Taliban have no chance whatever of a positive outcome from the perspective of U.S. policy. Just as it did in Vietnam, the United States has been fighting the wrong war in Afghanistan with the wrong strategy from the very beginning.

The article of record may be found at:http://www.csmonitor.com/Commentary/Opinion/2009/0820/p09s01-coop.html ; As the world watches today's presidential election in Afghanistan, Americans would do well to ponder the lessons of Vietnam.