Suchergebnisse

Models of revolutionary behavior in Central America are developed that rely initially on the distribution of landholdings. The scarcity of arable land—as in El Salvador, with its high population density—is suggested to result in high inequality, acute class polarization, and class-based redistributive revolutionary movements. A lesser degree of land scarcity, as in Nicaragua, should lead to a diminished extent of inequality, less acute class polarization, and multiclass, nonredistributive revolutionary coalitions. The behaviors of revolutionary movements in both El Salvador and Nicaragua conform to expectations. In turn, three types of state-class relations are developed. These are instrumentalist states in which the state is used as an instrument of control by the dominant class (El Salvador); personalist states in which a caudillo-type leader rules in large measure, independent of the dominant class (Nicaragua); and autonomous institutional states (Mexico), which have developed infrastructures of party and/ or government.

Conference paper. How class structures create and, at the same time, are influenced by certain patterns of inequality; how these patterns are affected by land scarcity; and how scarcity and inequality influence the characteristics of revolutionary movements.

Kenneth M. Roberts is the Richard J. Schwartz Professor of Government and Binenkorb Director of Latin American Studies at Cornell University. His research and teaching interests focus on party systems, populism, social movements, and the politics of inequality in Latin America and beyond. He is the author of Changing Course in Latin America: Party Systems in the Neoliberal Era (Cambridge University Press) and Deepening Democracy? The Modern Left and Social Movements in Chile and Peru (Stanford University Press). He is also the co-editor of The Resurgence of the Latin American Left (Johns Hopkins University Press), The Diffusion of Social Movements (Cambridge University Press), and Beyond Neoliberalism? Patterns, Responses, and New Directions in Latin America and the Caribbean (Palgrave-MacMillan).

This paper investigates the role that children play in the migration decisions of Chinese women. The presence of children of various ages is hypothesized to affect the timing of migration, the length of migration, and the nature of migration in terms of who goes along. In addition, we also investigate whether the sex of the children affects migration decisions. Results indicate that whether one's husband ever migrated has a positive effect on migrating before childbirth. Return timing is strongly linked to the age of the child. Many mothers return to rural areas around the time that the child begins formal schooling. We also find that women who have given birth to a boy are significantly less likely to migrate after childbirth but more likely to take the boy with her if she does migrate.(J Cont China/GIGA)

The late 1990s have witnessed increasing numbers of rural Chinese women joining the ranks of labor migrants. This paper examines the characteristics of a surveyed sample of women migrants from Anhui and Sichuan provinces, and shows that the common assumption - that almost all such migrants are young single women working in a coastal factory - is no longer valid. Instead, our findings demonstrate that women are migrating both while single and married, with and without their husbands and children. All age cohorts of women are migrating at a higher rate in recent periods, and younger cohorts of women are migrating more than older cohorts in each period. (China J/DÜI)

This article assesses two next-level questions in the study of democratic backsliding: democratic
resilience and political polarization. It first advances a set of methodological decision
points to improve clarity in contemporary debates surrounding democratic backsliding
measurement and the possibility of identifying moments of democratic recovery. It
then moves to a theoretical and empirical assessment of pathways by which democratic
backsliding takes place, under what conditions, which specific actors are involved, and
what opportunities exist for democratic recovery given sources of resilience and strategies
of resistance. The authors examine the role of political polarization in backsliding and
highlight the combined importance of political agency and institutional levers for regime
outcomes. The authors argue that regime outcomes are not predetermined by antecedent
conditions, and particularly not by the level of development.