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Managing the threat of violence remains a central concern in international security and development. International actors seek to terminate civil wars and prevent conflict recurrence by building peace and strengthening state institutions. In this article, I review the scholarship on international statebuilding, defined broadly as external efforts to create, strengthen, reform, and transform the authority structures of the state. Much of this literature models international statebuilding as provision, in which external actors provide a solution to the enforcement problem that plagues postconflict bargains. However, in many cases, the assumptions about domestic politics underpinning the provision model do not hold. When the central problem of domestic politics concerns bargaining over the distributional consequences of the peace rather than the parties' ability to credibly commit to the peace, international statebuilding is more fruitfully modeled as imposition, in which terms are imposed on recalcitrant domestic actors. The imposition model allows the preferences of external actors over the postwar order to diverge from the preferences of domestic actors. Divergence arises because statebuilding interventions have distributional consequences that threaten the interests of domestic elites. To unpack why this is the case, I turn to the literature on the domestic politics of statebuilding, which shows that governance arrangements that appear to outsiders as weak statehood can help manage violence by facilitating the distribution of sovereignty rents. Insights from these literatures suggest exciting new avenues for future scholarship.

Through an online experiment, this study examines the impact of live-blogging on audiences' perception of readability, selective scanning, news credibility, news use and paying intent (N = 220). Contrary to industry expectation, this study found that the quest for speed at the expense of errors (and subsequent corrections) has no effect on the outcome variables, except news presented in the live-blogging format decreases readability. In contrast, news interest predicts all outcome measures. Findings from this study carry theoretical and practical implications for online news production and consumption.

While scholars have developed stronger understandings of challenges facing low-socioeconomic status (SES) students, there has been very little examination of students' advocacy on their own behalves. The last 10 years have seen a substantial and rapid increase in low-SES students organizing campus groups to provide safe space, activism, and/or education around class inequality at selective and highly selective colleges and universities. By utilizing literature on other student activist movements, I make two contributions. First, I extend the existing work on student activism to include a contemporary and growing movement around socioeconomic inequality that is—unlike many previous campus movements—largely operating independently of a broader, noncampus social movement. Second, I detail the challenges students face in seeking changes on their own campuses, which I argue are both specific to their roles as activists and also exacerbated, in many cases, by their positions as low-SES students. These findings, therefore, help to further illuminate the ways that socioeconomic inequality is maintained on college campuses over time and also to highlight a growing campus-based social movement.

AbstractWhy do some countries fail to govern their territory? Incomplete domestic sovereignty, defined as the absence of effective state authority over territory, has severe consequences in terms of security, order, economic growth, and human well-being. These negative consequences raise the question of why such spaces remain without effective authority. While the international relations literature suggests that state weakness persists because of an absence of war and the comparative politics literature treats political underdevelopment as the consequence of domestic factors that raise the costs of exercising authority, these views are incomplete. I argue that hostile neighbors weaken state authority over territory through a strategy of foreign interference. Foreign interference in domestic sovereignty is a powerful instrument of statecraft that can yield domestic and foreign policy benefits. I investigate the effects of hostile neighboring states through a cross-national, within-country statistical analysis utilizing a novel indicator of state authority, and pair this analysis with a qualitative case study of Malaysian subversion of the Philippines in the 1970s. Together, this evidence shows how this international factor is an underappreciated yet important contributor to weak state authority even after accounting for domestic factors. The study's conclusions challenge our understanding of the effects of international politics on internal political development.

The paper examines the work of groups established by chapters of the American Association of Social Workers in the 1920s to develop a systematic and empirically based understanding of the interactional dynamics of the interview in social casework. Now largely forgotten, this work had influence beyond social work. The paper goes on to explore the call by the Chicago sociologist Ernest Burgess to use the 'verbatim interview' as a focus of common interest by sociologists and social workers.