Suchergebnisse

A common narrative portrays Donald Trump as impetuous and quick to anger, thin skinned, constantly lying, brazen, vulgar, and boasting a grandiose sense of self and his accomplishments. Little systematic evidence exists that this is the case, however. With a novel data set based on expert ratings, we (1) provide systematic empirical evidence about Trump's personality profile, (2) contrast his profile with 21 other populist leaders and 82 mainstream candidates having competed in recent elections worldwide, and (3) discuss the implications of such an extreme profile in terms of campaigning style and the use of negative and emotional campaigns. Our results illustrate Trump's off‐the‐charts personality and campaigning style and suggest that even when compared with other abrasive, narcissistic, and confrontational political figures, he stands out as an outlier among the outliers. We conclude by discussing the implications and potential outcomes of such an extreme personality profile for Trump's policy style and achievements while in office.

The government of Catalonia has developed a planning framework that seeks to establish the provision of cultural facilities throughout the country. The Cultural Facilities Plan of Catalonia (PECCAT) is based on an analysis of historical gaps and establishes a minimum spatial scheme. The plan responds to problems associated with the absence of a former similar instrument, which has led to an inconsistent and inappropriate cultural infrastructure that fails to fulfill its fundamental mission of securing the cultural rights of the population. The paper sets forth the aims of this policy and describes the objectives and basic characteristics of the plan and the expected outcomes. With the plan, the government of Catalonia seeks to rebalance the infrastructure within the territory and to ensure universal access to basic cultural services, while avoiding a logic of standardization and taking local communities into account. With the development of local plans in the municipalities, local governments encourage community participation processes to adapt and decide on priorities for action based on needs assessments and cultural opportunities for local sustainable development. The local plans focus on local cultural strengths, take advantage of opportunities, and aim to realize the cultural dynamics of a place through establishing an infrastructure that can best respond to the needs and cultural demands of the local communities, taking into account economic, social, and environmental sustainability.

The government of Catalonia has developed a planning framework that seeks to establish the provision of cultural facilities throughout the country. The Cultural Facilities Plan of Catalonia (PECCAT) is based on an analysis of historical gaps and establishes a minimum spatial scheme. The plan responds to problems associated with the absence of a former similar instrument, which has led to an inconsistent and inappropriate cultural infrastructure that fails to fulfill its fundamental mission of securing the cultural rights of the population. The paper sets forth the aims of this policy and describes the objectives and basic characteristics of the plan and the expected outcomes. With the plan, the government of Catalonia seeks to rebalance the infrastructure within the territory and to ensure universal access to basic cultural services, while avoiding a logic of standardization and taking local communities into account. With the development of local plans in the municipalities, local governments encourage community participation processes to adapt and decide on priorities for action based on needs assessments and cultural opportunities for local sustainable development. The local plans focus on local cultural strengths, take advantage of opportunities, and aim to realize the cultural dynamics of a place through establishing an infrastructure that can best respond to the needs and cultural demands of the local communities, taking into account economic, social, and environmental sustainability. ; Le gouvernement de la Catalogne a mis au point un cadre de planification qui a pour objectif de développer plusieurs équipements culturels dans tout le pays. Le Plan équipements culturels de la Catalogne (PECCAT) est basé sur une analyse des lacunes historiques et établit un minimum schéma spatial d'organisation et de développement culturel. Le plan répond aux problèmes liés à l'absence d'un outil antérieur similaire, ce qui a conduit à une infrastructure culturelle contradictoire et inappropriée qui ne répondit pas à sa mission fondamentale, soit d'assurer les droits culturels de la population. Le document expose les objectifs de cette politique et décrit les objectifs et les caractéristiques de base du plan et les résultats attendus. Avec le plan, le gouvernement de la Catalogne cherche à rééquilibrer les infrastructures sur le territoire et d'assurer l'accès universel aux services culturels, tout en évitant une logique de standardisation et de prendre en compte les communautés locales. Avec le développement de plans dans les municipalités, les gouvernements locaux encouragent les processus de participation des citoyens pour adapter et décider des priorités d'action, sur la base des évaluations des besoins et des opportunités culturelles pour le développement local durable. Les plans locaux se concentrent sur des atouts culturels ancrés dans le territoire local, pour tirer parti des opportunités, et essayer d"aider la dynamique culturelle d'un lieu par la création d'une infrastructure apte à répondre au mieux aux besoins et exigences culturelles des communautés locales, en tenant compte des aspects économiques, sociaux, et la durabilité de l'environnement.

From Afghanistan to Zimbabwe the world has witnessed a rising tide of contentious elections ending in heated partisan debates, court challenges, street protests, and legitimacy challenges. In some cases, disputes have been settled peacefully through legal appeals and electoral reforms. In the worst cases, however, disputes have triggered bloodshed or government downfalls and military coups. Contentious elections are characterized by major challenges, with different degrees of severity, to the legitimacy of electoral actors, procedures, or outcomes.Despite growing concern, until recently little

From Afghanistan to Zimbabwe the world has witnessed a rising tide of contentious elections ending in heated partisan debates, court challenges, street protests, and legitimacy challenges. In some cases, disputes have been settled peacefully through legal appeals and electoral reforms. In the worst cases, however, disputes have triggered bloodshed or government downfalls and military coups. Contentious elections are characterized by major challenges, with different degrees of severity, to the legitimacy of electoral actors, procedures, or outcomes. Despite growing concern, until recently little.

ABSTRACTMany contentious elections end in disputes about alleged fraud, irregularities, and malpractices. How do we know when these claims are valid and when they are false complaints from sore losers? This article describes a new dataset developed by the Electoral Integrity Project. Based on a survey of election experts, the research provides new evidence to compare how national contests around the world are meeting international standards of electoral integrity. The questionnaire includes 49 key indicators clustered into 11 stages of the electoral cycle, as well as generating an overall summary Perception of Electoral Integrity (PEI) 100-point index. The evidence displays high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The PEI datasets allow researchers to gauge the perceived quality of elections worldwide. This study summarizes the PEI's research design, compares the quality of elections around the globe, and illustrates how electoral integrity is linked with both democracy and development.

Many malpractices generate flawed elections which fail to meet international standards of electoral integrity, including issues such as fraud, malpractice, vote-rigging, ballot-stuffing, and voter suppression. Determining when, where, and why elections succeed or fail is a matter of growing concern for the international community—yet to date scholars and practitioners have been hindered by lack of reliable, credible, and consistent evidence which could be used to compare the quality of elections around the world. This paper presents the first results of a new pilot study, based on an expert survey of Perceptions of Electoral Integrity (PEI) applied to 20 countries. This data facilitates comparison of an overall standardized 100-point PEI index for each contest, or the results can be examined in more fine-grained detail on eleven dimensions of electoral integrity, or for each of the separate 49 items. The PEI index demonstrates high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The paper concludes that, when triangulated with other evidence, PEI can address many research issues, such as how best to classify electoral autocracies, as well as proving useful for policymakers concerned with evaluating "what works" to strengthen electoral integrity.

Political science knows a fair amount about the variables explaining party systems fragmentation or the constant in the equation of the number of parties. But we know much less about changes in the number of parties over time within countries or the slope in the equation of the number of parties. This paper fills this gap explaining the entry of new viable competitors in party systems after the founding election. Using empirical evidence from Spain, we show that when there is an electoral market failure and the higher the number of perfectly elastic voters, the higher the probability of new viable entrants. ; La ciencia política tiene un conocimiento bastante extenso de las variables que explican el sistema de fragmentación de partidos o de la constante en la ecuación del número de partidos. Pero, en cambio, se sabe mucho menos sobre los cambios en el número de partidos en el tiempo en los países o la pendiente de la ecuación en el número de los partidos. Este trabajo viene a cubrir esta carencia al explicar la entrada de los nuevos competidores viables en el sistema de partidos después de la elección fundacional. Utilizando la evidencia empírica de España, mostramos que cuando hay un fallo del mercado electoral y cuanto mayor es el número de votantes perfectamente elásticos, mayor es la probabilidad de nuevas entradas viables.