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ARTICLE ARGUES THAT WEAKNESSES IN THE SCHOOL'S SOCIALIZATION OF DEMOCRATIC VALUES CAN BE TRACED TO CULTURALLY PATTERNED STRAINS IN AMERICAN EDUCATION. THESE ARE CULTURAL ADAPTATIONS TO A CONFLICT BETWEEN EDUCATIONAL KNOWLEDGE AND ORDER, ON THE ONE HAND, AND EGALITARIAN POLITICS IN AMERICA ON THE OTHER. THE CONFLICT BETWEEN DEMOCRATIC POLITICS & THE SHAPE OF SCHOOLING IS OUTLINED.

The standard theory of the interaction of the family & the state is based on five propositions, which present the family & the political system as essentially mutually supportive, largely through the family's role in political socialization. Brief review of the literature shows that these propositions are unsupported, & that the basic model is theoretically implausible. An alternative approach, based on exchange concepts, is summarized in seven propositions. This approach is applied to historical changes in the relation between the family & the political system. Many problems of contemporary families can be interpreted as results of the family's shift from a production-oriented to a purely consumption-oriented role. Some policies that might strengthen the family are suggested on the basis of this approach. W. H. Stoddard.

This paper reviews the new Handbook of Social Psychology, with a special eye towards its utility for political scientists. The review focuses on theory, methodology, substantive areas of social psychological research, and political applications of social psychological findings. Special attention is paid to Handbook articles of particular merit and application to political science. These include articles on cognitive theory, experimentation, observational analyses and sociometry, as well as articles which add to our knowledge of such politically important problems as reasoning, compliance, and decision making. Throughout, important findings relevant to the operations of politics are spotlighted. These include, inter alia, cognitive biases towards the perception of unequal influence, the "risky shift," constraints on selective perception, and characteristics of leadership behavior. Omissions, theoretical flaws, and errors due to the "datedness" of findings are also discussed.

Drawing on findings reported in an earlier issue of this Review, the present Note examines the extent to which nine forms of reasoning about the problem of poverty cohere into recognizable structures or cognitive styles among a small sample of eighth and twelfth graders. The degree of structured policy thinking among the respondents is lower than might have been predicted on the basis of cognitive developmental theory. Moreover, a respondent's amount of political interest, activity, motivation, and knowledge is a more accurate guide to his policy-thinking style than is his age. This finding also does not accord with cognitive developmental expectations. When these data are taken together with findings reported in the earlier article, we can conclude only that political involvement and individual maturation interact in complex ways in the development and structuring of policy thinking.