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An overview is provided on the literature of internat'l relations from 1965-1969, similar to the one provided in 1965 (see H. J. Morgenthau, 'International Relations, 1960-1964,' Annals, 1965, 360, Jul, 163-171). It is noted that the division of the field according to the 1965 scheme is still valid. The prognosis made in 1965 also bears repetition: systems analysis can be expected to decline, but new insights will illuminate foreign & military policy, taking into account the drastically changed internat'l environment. The decline of systems analysis is attested to not only by the paucity of relevant works but also by an increasingly outspoken critical literature.' The need for theoretical understanding of the internat'l role of the new nations has been met by a number of books, eg, Louis L. Snyder, THE NEW NATIONALISM, Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 1968; Adam Watson, THE NATURE AND PROBLEMS OF THE THIRD WORLD, Claremont, Calif: Claremont U Center, 1968; etc. Stanely Hoffmann (GULLIVER'S TROUBLES, OR THE SETTING OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY, New York: NY, McGraw Hill, 1966) analyzes critically the whole range of Amer foreign policy. J. W. Fulbright (THE ARROGANCE OF POWER, New York, NY: Random House, 1966) systematically questions the US Vietnam policy from the pragmatic point of view of the wise use of power in a revolutionary world. Bernard Brodie (ESCALATION AND THE NUCLEAR OPTION, Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1966) is among those who discuss the use of force in view of the availability of nuclear weapons. Richard A. Falk (LEGAL ORDER IN A VIOLENT WORLD, Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1968) explains the functions of internat'l law for world pol. Robert E. Osgood & Robert W. Tucker (FORCE, ORDER AND JUSTICE, Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967) present a traditionally oriented philosophic analysis of the basic concepts of internat'l pol. A total of 118 works are cited. M. Maxfield.

Three historic patterns can be discerned in the relations America has established with the outside world. America has offered itself as a model to the world, it has entered the world as a missionary, and it has confronted the world as a crusader. In recent years a fourth pattern has been added: America bestrides the world as an imperial power with global responsibilities. In the Spring of 1965, when I endeavored to define this new pattern of American foreign policy under the heading of "globalism," a national newspaper refused to print my article with the explanation that there was no such tiling. In the meantime the ideologues of the Johnson Administration, such as Professors Brzezinski and Rostow, have confirmed my view. They have proclaimed "the American decade," "a decade of opportunity and responsibility for the United States."