The Persian Gulf War
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 108, Heft 1, S. 183-184
ISSN: 0032-3195
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In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 108, Heft 1, S. 183-184
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 114, Heft 3, S. 530
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: the journal of public and international affairs : a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs : PSQ, Band 139, Heft 3, S. 387-406
ISSN: 1538-165X
Abstract
Aggressive rhetoric was part and parcel of the rising Tea Party and the related anti-Obama conspiracy theories. The argument here is that Donald J. Trump, as the leading public promoter of Birther rumors, first-time presidential candidate, and U.S. president, played a starring role in bringing hate speech, violent threats, and political violence into the political mainstream. As a result, political violence increased significantly and several violent far-right extremist groups, domestic terrorist entities, were newly founded after Trump announced his presidential campaign in mid-2015. As ex-president and once again presidential candidate, Trump glorified the criminally convicted participants in the violent breach of the U.S. Capitol on 6 January 2021 and honored violent far-right fringe groups that were active in the late 20th century while threatening revenge against his political enemies. To assess, whether Trump, as 47th U.S. president, would be able to have his political foes investigated and jailed upon his return to the highest office, we looked for answers in the Heritage Foundation's "Project 2025," the most detailed blueprint for the dismantling of the "deep state" and the best-laid plan for a takeover by Trump and vetted conservative "Make America Great Again" loyalists in January 2025.1 Although the sole focus here is on the rhetoric of far-right extremism and violence in the past 15 years, there were no similarly extreme far-left hate speech patterns and violent extremism related to the Democratic Party during the same time.
In: Human rights review: HRR, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 193-210
ISSN: 1874-6306
The news frames used by the US mass media in its coverage of Muslim Americans before & after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks are examined to determine the extent of change in such journalistic frames. Newspaper articles that covered various aspects of Muslim American life & were published in three NY newspapers from 11 Sept 2000 to 11 Mar 2001 (N = 155), from 12 Mar 2001 to September 11, 2001 (N = 59), & from 12 Sept 2001 to 11 Mar 2002 (N = 653) were analyzed. Several findings are reported: whereas the most common topic concerning Muslim American life prior to September 11, 2001, was the participation of Muslim Americans in politics, the most prominent themes following the terrorist attacks concerned the civil rights of Muslim & Arab Americans; the number of episodic news frames that documented Muslim American life decreased after the terrorist attacks; the percentage of positive/favorable media delineations of Muslim Americans increased after September 11, 2001. It is concluded that the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks forced US mass media to provide more comprehensive coverage of Muslim American life. 4 Tables, 27 References. J. W. Parker
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 113, Heft 2, S. 179-191
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 113, Heft 2, S. 179-191
ISSN: 0032-3195
Der Artikel analysiert die politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland nach der Wiedervereinigung aus amerikanischer Sicht.Ausgehend von der Situation nach dem 2.Weltkrieg wird zunächst auf die Entstehung der Bonner Republik und dann auf die Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands mit seiner Auswirkung auf die innenpolitische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung eingegangen. Das politische System im Unterschied zum amerikanischen und die außenpolitischen Interessen der Bundesrepublik bilden den Abschluß des Artikels (SWP-Drh)
World Affairs Online
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 113, Heft 3, S. 560-561
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 113, Heft 1, S. 140
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 113, Heft 2, S. 179-192
ISSN: 0032-3195
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 115, Heft 2, S. 317-318
ISSN: 0032-3195
How did the United States descend into crisis, with institutions frayed, political violence mounting, and democracy itself in peril? This timely book identifies how the Tea Party and its extremist narratives laid the groundwork for the rise of Donald Trump, his MAGA movement, and the January 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol.Brigitte L. Nacos, Yaeli Bloch-Elkon, and Robert Y. Shapiro trace the escalation of a strain of extremist rhetoric in right-wing political discourse after the inauguration of Barack Obama. Drawing on extensive and in-depth analysis of political communication in both traditional media and online spaces, they demonstrate how the dominant rhetorical styles of the Trump era were pioneered by the Tea Party. A backlash to the election of the first Black president, this reactionary social movement deployed violent language and spread anti-Obama paranoia, with the assistance of media insiders, GOP leaders, and conservative advocacy groups. Donald Trump rose to political prominence by hitching himself to the "birther" racist conspiracy theory, espoused by many Tea Partiers, and drew from their aggressive and hyperpartisan repertoire. Ultimately, this book shows, the increasingly violent rhetoric of right-wing extremists spilled over into real-world political violence. Revealing the path the Tea Party blazed to Trump and the insurrectionists, Hate Speech and Political Violence provides timely new insights into the threats facing American democracy
Introduces an edited volume exploring the effects of the media on US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. New geopolitical realities & changes in international communications have altered media behavior, changed public opinion, & affected foreign policy making in the US & Europe. The host of problems now faced by policymakers is not conducive to consensus, as were the bipolar issues of the Cold War. CNN coverage informs the public instantly & forces decisionmakers to respond rapidly, often without sufficient time to deliberate. Public access to the Internet makes it difficult for governments to control the information the public receives. Articles in this volume explore the extent to which shifts in news reporting & global communications have provided information to the mass public & the resulting impact on national leaders & decisionmakers. Also explored is the extent to which national leaders have used the media to form & lead public opinion. The 21st-century foreign policy process may be more transparent, making it essentially "decision making in a glass house." The contributions & thought of each contributor is explored. L. A. Hoffman
In: Chicago Studies in American Politics
While we've long known that the strategies of terrorism rely heavily on media coverage of attacks, Selling Fear is the first detailed look at the role played by media in counterterrorism—and the ways that, in the wake of 9/11, the Bush administration manipulated coverage to maintain a climate of fear. Drawing on in-depth analysis of counterterrorism in the years after 9/11—including the issuance of terror alerts and the decision to invade Iraq—the authors present a compelling case that the Bush administration hyped fear, while obscuring civil liberties abuses and concrete issues of preparedness. The media, meanwhile, largely abdicated its watchdog role, choosing to amplify the administration's message while downplaying issues that might have called the administration's statements and strategies into question. The book extends through Hurricane Katrina, and the more skeptical coverage that followed, then the first year of the Obama administration, when an increasingly partisan political environment presented the media, and the public, with new problems of reporting and interpretation. Selling Fear is a hard-hitting analysis of the intertwined failures of government and media—and their costs to our nation