Suchergebnisse

RésuméCette étude examine l'évolution de la couverture accordée aux enjeux dans la presse écrite durant les campagnes au Québec de 1994 à 2018. Deux constats ressortent de cette étude. On assisterait d'abord à une diversification de l'ordre du jour médiatique s'expliquant notamment par un recul de la question nationale dans l'espace médiatique au profit d'enjeux comme l'environnement et l'immigration. Le recadrage de la question nationale nettement plus axée aujourd'hui sur la dimension identitaire que sur la question du statut politique du Québec est frappant. Ces changements semblent indiquer la montée d'un axe politique libéral-autoritaire dans la province, alors même que l'émergence du multipartisme ouvre la porte à un réalignement politique durable. Ces observations tendent à confirmer la perspective voulant que l'ordre du jour lors d'une campagne résulte de l'interaction entre les médias, les partis et les électeurs et qu'il offre ainsi un reflet adéquat de l'évolution de la dynamique politique dans une société donnée.

The annual budget presentation is one of the most important forms of public, partisan behaviour in a parliamentary democracy. As such, it should share many features with the addresses of US presidents, including their presumed efficacy. Yet public reactions to budget presentations have been studied only indirectly, and a link between these reactions and government standing has not been established. We use Gallup data over four decades to investigate how voters assess Chancellors of the Exchequer and their budgets. We find that voters' assessments are a product of the performance of the economy, the content of the budget, the media's reaction to the budget and political factors, and are not simply derivative of general feelings about the government in power or intended vote. While developed independently, evaluations of the Chancellor and the budget affect short-term voting intentions of the public. Thus, in unitary, parliamentary governments, as in federal and presidential systems, voters use more than one focal point (in a single party) to evaluate the government and its actions.

AbstractThis article compares various indicators in order to establish the weight of linguistic considerations in the constitutional choices of francophone Quebeckers. This comparison is made within a model which also takes into account the respondents' feelings of attachment to Quebec and Canada and their expectations of sovereignty's economic consequences. The results show that an adequate measure of the expected linguistic gains associated with sovereignty must take into account both the comparative and prospective dimensions of these expectations. The use of one such measure confirms the often-stated but previously unproven thesis that linguistic considerations play a crucial role in Quebeckers' constitutional choices.

AbstractThis study proposes an empirical test of a classical hypothesis formulated by Philip Converse about the link between political information and opinion change. The study departs from previous ones on three aspects: (1) it is conducted outside the electoral field; (2) political information—the key variable of the analysis—is directly measured and is issue specific, and (3) the test of Converse hypothesis is carried through the utilization of a quasi-experimental design. The results—based on a sample of students expressing opinions about the Canada-USA free trade agreement—exhibit the expected non-linear relation between the individual's level of political information and his propensity to change opinion. This conclusion suggests that particular groups could be more sensitive to political information flows.

An empirical test of the classical hypothesis formulated by Philip Converse about the relation between degree of information & opinion mobility (see SA 11:7/63A7513). Three novel methods are used in the test: (1) focusing on the electoral stake, rather than on voting intention; (2) direct measuring of individual political information, which also serves as the key variable for the analysis; & (3) utilizing a quasiexperimental design. The results of a Canadian student survey (N = 343 respondents [Rs]) regarding the Canada-US free trade agreement demonstrate the expected nonlinear relation between Rs' levels of political information & their inclination to modify their opinions. The findings generally support the Converse hypothesis. I. Shagrir

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Parties and Their Messages -- Chapter 2. The Media: Getting Out the Messages -- Chapter 3. Why Was Turnout So Low? -- Chapter 4. The Vote: Stability and Change -- Chapter 5. A Multi-Stage Model of Vote Choice -- Chapter 6. The Social Bases of Party Support -- Chapter 7. Values and Beliefs -- Chapter 8. Partisan Loyalties -- Chapter 9. The Economy -- Chapter 10. The Issues -- Chapter 11. Liberal Performance -- Chapter 12. The Leaders -- Chapter 13. Strategic Voting -- Conclusion -- Appendix A: Multinomial Estimations of Vote Choice Outside Quebec -- Appendix B: Multinomial Estimations of Vote Choice in Quebec -- Appendix C: The Estimated Impact of Variables on the Propensity to Vote for the Parties Outside Quebec -- Appendix D: The Estimated Impact of Variables on the Propensity to Vote for the Parties in Quebec -- Appendix E: Description of Variables -- References