Suchergebnisse

Argues that both capitalism & communism are responsible for the recent decline of unions in Eastern Europe, drawing on the cases of Poland & Czechoslovakia. Capitalism treats strong unions as immediately suspect because they smack of the old regime in which worker's institutions were mandatory, but communism promoted employment guarantees & low prices on essentials that could not hold up in a competetive market system. Czechoslovakia's stronger economic position, despite a weaker labor movement than Poland, is explained as a consequence of the relative place of labor in the two political systems. Specifically, in Poland, Solidarity has not relinquished its antimarket bias, & draws attacks from right-wing groups, while unions in the Czech Republic have been able to bind workers to the political principles of democracy. D. M. Smith

Presents the transcript of a symposium held in 1996 in Chicago, IL, exploring the nature of East European social democracy. It is argued by the moderator (Ost) that social democracy is an impossibility in this region because of the imperatives imposed by global capitalism for the state to marginalize trade unions & cater to mobile capitalism. The other participants (Andrzej Bloch, Joszef Borocz, Lazzlo Bruszt, Valerie Bunce, Michel Federowicz, Bela Greskovits, Jan Kubik, Mitchell Orenstein, Kazimierz Slomczynski, & Aleksander Surdej) suggest that Ost overstated his case in a number of ways: (1) Social democracy has survived in the past without much popular participation. (2) There are different forms of social democracy in Eastern European countries, the particulars of which must be considered. (3) Cultural forces may temper the influence of global capitalism. In response, it is contended by several participants that economics has a much stronger influence on politics than Ost's critics imagine, & political instabilities throughout the region have only magnified its importance. International & regional dimensions to these questions are considered, & prognoses for the near-term future of social democracy in Eastern Europe are issued. D. M. Smith

Replies to Hugh Murray's views on race & social science (1995) [see abstract 9610092]). Murray's argument is criticized for producing an ad hominem critique of affirmative action programs; thus, a retributive ad hominem response is employed. Although Murray suggests that African American support for the radical ideologies promulgated by the Nation of Islam are dangerous, it is suggested that only majorities have the power to terrorize & subjugate minority groups. Murray's insistence that race is a nonproblematic issue reducible to biological difference is considered, & it is contended that Murray is practicing weak social science. It is noted that the advancements achieved by African civilizations during the period of European exploration & imperialization could easily have produced theories of African intellectual superiority, rather than inferiority, in contrast to Europeans. Now, however, millions of individuals continue to experience the denigration of the European assumption of blacks' intellectual inferiority on a daily basis. It is concluded that Murray's claim of racial agnosticism is merely a disclaimer to conceal his misguided racism. J. W. Parker

Part of a special section, "Is There a 'Telos' Left in Telos? Reflections after 100 Issues," discussing the confrontational nature of Telos, which, avoiding policy debates, has often addressed issues other journals were too centrist to consider. Its marginality has provided a freshness & objectivity. However, this originality is threatened by the current Republican Party, which has incorporated many of Telos's ideologies: federalism, community, & populism. The changes that Telos has undergone since its first issue are discussed, including that it no longer has an obvious leftist orientation & has begun discussing policy issues & politics, especially US politics. The difficulties the journal now faces lie in what makes it appear centrist: federalism, community, & populism. Programs that would allow a community's majority to rule absolutely are unlikely to gain acceptance in the US. To improve Telos, the journal must turn its critical eye on itself & reexamine its position on populism & federalism. M. Piciocchi

An introduction to a collection of articles (see related abstracts in SA 41:5) on postcommunist Poland discusses the current political situation, problems with the neoliberal politicoeconomic agenda, & the status of the state. It is argued that the firm will be a key component in the postcommunist era, & the problem with the neoliberal program is its incoherence & narrow commitment to privatization, which prevents state firms from restructuring because it forces the state to depend on these firms for income. W. Howard

In our collective fascination with contemporary Poland we have focused almost exclusively on the democratic or, more properly, anarchistic workers movement. But while Solidarity may be the soul of contemporary Poland, it is far from being its arm. A year after Gdansk it remains without institutionalized assurances of constructive input at the level of policy formation, having to rely on strike threats and other forms of "coercive" action. Moreover, its registration as a legal, independent organization has sparked the creation of numerous other groups, some of which appear intent on beating back the popular movement of which they themselves are a product.