Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe European debt crisis stimulated debate about the future of national health systems. The objective of this article is to contribute to this debate by examining any changes in the scope and content of universal coverage and underlying pattern of solidarity in South Europe. Access to health care provides the vantage point for our analysis. Inequalities in access are scrutinized along a number of dimensions by using data from various sources. Our main conclusions clearly show that the public health care systems in Italy and, particularly, in Spain weathered the crisis pretty well and retained their universalistic features. Nonetheless, rising supplemental private coverage (of an "occupational‐mutualist" type) adversely impacts access, but it is unclear how this will unfold in the near future. Tackling fragmentation through expansion and equalization of coverage, though for a comparatively "lean" basket of provisions, has been the focus of reforms in Portugal and Greece. This keeps private spending high and sustains inequalities, whereas any prospects for a stronger variant of universalism remain an open question.

By looking at the main welfare state reforms undertaken by the Italian and Spanish governments since the outbreak of the financial crisis, this article explores changes resulting from the implementation of austerity policies. In light of the way in which unpopular fiscal adjustment measures have been introduced in both countries, especially since 2010, we call for a revision of the existing literature on welfare retrenchment and political strategies. We argue in this article that under conditions of 'permanent strain', bold retrenchment policies and cuts in social spending have been justified by the Italian and Spanish governments through a 'there is no alternative' or TINA legitimation strategy, which creates limited interaction space between social and political actors. We tentatively conclude that this political strategy does not entirely fit the notions of blame avoidance or credit claiming as currently formulated in the specialist literature. We call for further empirical testing of the arguments made in this paper.

This article aims to interpret trade unions' role in reconciliation policies during the current pandemic in Italy and Spain. Questions to be answered include whether and to what degree unions have been present in the public debate, have participated in the policy-making process, have acted as policy reform protagonists or have consented to it, and to what extent they have been able to influence the direction of reform. The study proposes a three-level analytical framework of general applicability, signalling the variables that may affect the role played by unions at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels, together with the indicators that could be used. Research results for the Italian and Spanish cases indicate that the most relevant level to explain the role played by unions is the macro one. Unions tended to acquiesce to government policies in both countries, although that does not preclude action or involvement. The article also argues that a better and more nuanced categorisation of union roles should be developed.

This article looks at how different electoral competition dynamics can result in differentiated party positioning on childcare and family policy. Italy and Spain are compared using a most similar case design. The presence of women in politics,the socioeconomic profiles of the voters of the two main left-wing and right-wing Italian and Spanish parties, and opinions on traditional norms of motherhood explain different policy trajectories and higher incentives for the conservative party in Spain to converge toward the social democratic party in more progressive views of family policy.

AbstractFollowing the seminal work of Richard Titmuss, who coined the term occupational welfare (OW) 60 years ago, the article approaches OW provision in Europe today. We first define OW as the sum of extra‐statutory social benefits and services provided by employers and/or trade unions as a result of employment. We then look at its recent evolution: OW expenditure and coverage have been increasing significantly in Europe since the 1990s. While pensions are still the main policy area of OW, the latter has also advanced in other social protection areas (e.g., health insurance, reconciliation). This has led to four different ideal types of OW—defined on the base of their organizing principle (voluntarism vs. collectivism) and the level of OW scheme coverage and expenditure. By looking at the main drivers of OW, the analysis has found no evidence of a "crowding out" effect between public welfare and OW. Collective bargaining, national political economy, and the timing of reforms prove to be important factors explaining the OW development. As for the present and future of OW, dualization is a major risk. At present, the main fault lines created by OW follow sectoral, industry, company size, and occupational group lines. To avoid the worsening of inequalities originated by OW, even in those countries which were able in the past to avoid dualization, strong industrial relations may play a key role. The article concludes with some suggestions on the agenda of future OW research.

The present study explores the situation of migrant carers in long-term care (LTC) in European Union Member States and the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic from a public health perspective. The aim is to bring LTC migrant carers into health workforce research and highlight a need for trans-sectoral and European heath workforce governance. We apply an exploratory approach based on secondary sources, document analysis and expert information. A framework comprising four major dimensions was developed for data collection and analysis: LTC system, LTC health labour market, LTC labour migration policies and specific LTC migrant carer policies during the COVID-19 crisis March to May 2020. Material from Austria, Italy, Germany, Poland and Romania was included in the study. Results suggest that undersupply of carers coupled with cash benefits and a culture of family responsibility may result in high inflows of migrant carers, who are channelled in low-level positions or the informal care sector. COVID-19 made the fragile labour market arrangements of migrant carers visible, which may create new health risks for both the individual carer and the population. Two important policy recommendations are emerging: to include LTC migrant carers more systematically in public health and health workforce research and to develop European health workforce governance which connects health system needs, health labour markets and the individual migrant carers.

AbstractThis article investigates the transformative potential of the Next Generation EU (NG‐EU) initiative in social protection taking South European (SE) countries as a test case. It starts with a brief examination of the main social parameters of the EPSR and how these intertwine with the NG‐EU strategy that links recovery from the pandemic with the EU's long‐term green and digital transition objectives. This is followed by a comparative overview of the SE countries' social, green and digital outlook when embarking upon the recovery path. In light of these, the National Recovery and Resilience Plans (NRRPs) of the four countries are scrutinised vis‐à‐vis the NG‐EU specified priority flagship areas. The political background of the plans, the impact of the EPSR on their policy options, and their recalibration potential are comparatively analysed. In setting the course for a twin transition, all four plans share a focus on addressing long‐standing social challenges mainly by bolstering productive welfare measures. But path‐dependent differences in policy mixes and varying policy integration can weigh significantly on outcomes.