In democratic countries, advocacy organizations and other organized interest groups play an important role in the process of creating public policies and as a consequence, they influence the final shape of the implemented development models. The inclusive decision-making process enables interest groups to fulfill a variety of functions. Interest groups are very important legitimation channel, they provide expert knowledge, and also they are major channel through which citizens can express their opinions to the decision-makers. Through their activities, advocacy organizations may influence specific policies as well as the overall direction of the evolution of the development model. This paper describes and explains the Europeanization process and its pressure on interest groups in Central and Easter Europe, also answering the question to what extent the Europeanization process enables interest groups to access the political process at the state level. Article relies on data from a large-scale survey of organised interests operating in four CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Slovenia and Czech Republic) in three policy sectors i.e. health care, higher education and energy policy. Based on the collected data, a linear regression analysis was performed.
Die Bewegung für die Autonomie Schlesiens (Ruch Autonomii Śląska – RAŚ) setzt sich seit ihrer Gründung kurz nach dem politischen Umbruch für die Wiedererlangung der Autonomie nach dem Vorbild der Zwischenkriegszeit sowie für den Schutz und die Förderung oberschlesischer Kultur und Sprache ein. Spätestens mit dem ersten Wahlerfolg von 2010 (8,49 Prozent der Stimmen in der Woiwodschaft Schlesien), dem ein Einzug in den schlesischen Sejmik folgte, wurde die RAŚ zu einer politischen Kraft, mit der die polnische Parteienlandschaft umzugehen hatte. Für die Dauer der Koalition mit der Bürgerplattform (PO) in den Jahren 2010 bis 2013 schien sich die Regierungspartei der Autonomiebewegung anzunähern bzw. zumindest ihre öffentlich geäußerte Kritik einzustellen. Seit dem Austritt der RAŚ aus der Koalition kehrte die PO zu ihrer abweisenden Haltung zurück. Die Autonomiebewegung wird wieder von allen anderen Parteien gleichermaßen kritisiert, mit Separationsabsichten in Verbindung gebracht und ihr die Loyalität zum polnischen Staat abgesprochen.
Die Bewegung für die Autonomie Schlesiens (Ruch Autonomii Śląska - RAŚ) setzt sich seit ihrer Gründung kurz nach dem politischen Umbruch für die Wiedererlangung der Autonomie nach dem Vorbild der Zwischenkriegszeit sowie für den Schutz und die Förderung oberschlesischer Kultur und Sprache ein. Spätestens mit dem ersten Wahlerfolg von 2010 (8,49 Prozent der Stimmen in der Woiwodschaft Schlesien), dem ein Einzug in den schlesischen Sejmik folgte, wurde die RAŚ zu einer politischen Kraft, mit der die polnische Parteienlandschaft umzugehen hatte. Für die Dauer der Koalition mit der Bürgerplattform (PO) in den Jahren 2010 bis 2013 schien sich die Regierungspartei der Autonomiebewegung anzunähern bzw. zumindest ihre öffentlich geäußerte Kritik einzustellen. Seit dem Austritt der RAŚ aus der Koalition kehrte die PO zu ihrer abweisenden Haltung zurück. Die Autonomiebewegung wird wieder von allen anderen Parteien gleichermaßen kritisiert, mit Separationsabsichten in Verbindung gebracht und ihr die Loyalität zum polnischen Staat abgesprochen.
Silesia has always been a challenge for scientists as well as politicians, most importantly however – its people. Not many analysts and practitioners succeeded in coping with this challenge. Strategic character of this land made its inhabitants hostages to geopolitical interests of states representing diff erent cultures, languages and religions. Remaining at the front line of (what Samuel Huntington would call) civilizations, Silesia was expossed to this long-lasting process which resulted in specifi c type of identity, which the author dares call hybrid identity. It also resulted in a number of paradoxes, like for example unique model of modernization based on industrial infrastructure development accompanied by adequate work culture and civilizational patterns from one side, and from the other side closing Silesian communities in tribalism and traditionalism.
Services sum up to 70 % of EU's GDP, and just 20 % of cross-border trade of the European Union – partly due to the unjusti! ed regulatory and administrative burdens implied on different levels of member states administration. The existence of those barriers has stimulated the works on the directive freeing the service sector and implementing a number of rules that may potentially become milestones of integration, compared only to such "history making" moments as Single European Act or Maastricht Treaty."The freedom to provide service outside the country of establishment' principle, previously known as the 'country of origin' rule, carries this revolutionary impetus. It will allow a service provider be settled in one EU member state and deliver a service (personally or by delegated employees) in another one with all the legal consequences, especially: some aspects of taxation and social security contributions. Unsurprisingly, it has become one of the most controversial legal acts debated in the last decades Europe-wide. This principle may, to a large extend, undermine the foundations of welfare state, especially in the Western part of continental Europe, as it may force the regulated capitalism oriented countries (like Scandinavian ones) to verify their social policies accordingly to competition pressure coming from lower social standards member states. This may, as it is speculated in this paper, fuel the harmonising of social policies on Community level. Free movement of services was introduced fifty years ago, however it has been usually interpreted from the consumers' perspective: free access to the service by service consumer relocation or trans-border trading. Service provider relocation was tolerated only when accompanied with establishment in the consumer's country. The Service Directive, following the logic of previous European Court of Justice verdicts, introduces – on the secondary law level – the freedom to be established in another country than the country where the service is provided. This practical challenge is examined theoretically on the grounds of neofuncionalist rationale, as the discussed directive, by its supporters called: the greatest improvement of the internal market since its creation, can act as an empirical proof of neofunctionalism theory applicability. Implementing this approach, especially the revitalised spillover mechanism, is an efficient theoretical vehicle showing satisfactory exploratory power, as well as allowing speculations about the future development on the edge of politics and economy within European integration process. It also highlights the behaviour of supranational actors creating 'stress among the states' to progress the integration into the desirable direction (cultivated spillover). The deliberations in this paper are rooted in exempli! cations of so far practices infringing the free movement of services rule, as well as enriched with some argumentation for and against this form of directive (transformative decisions and legitimacy / democracy de! cit). The arguments used are deeply rooted in ! nal version text of the directive accompanied by interpretation of major principles. In the conclusive part author summarises that theoretical legacy of neofunctionalism – in the case of the Service Directive – seems to be adequate and the deductive argumentation based on it positively veri! es the potential of the theory.
Paul Collier's recent publication: "The Bottom Billion" tries to give an answer to the question stated on the cover: why are the poorest countries failing and what can be done about it? Collier points at fifty states claiming that the real problem lies there, affecting circa one billion of their population. The sources of the decline in living standards are identified in four groups: the trap of a conflict, natural resources – usually being a part of the problem, less frequently part of the solution, the problem of being landlocked by "bad neighbors" and last but not least – bad governance.
Poland and Hungary have been widely recognised as countries affected by illiberalism. This has undoubtedly created a challenging environment for interest groups; groups which are a touchstone for the quality of democratic processes. In this article, we aim to understand how preconditions for interest representation have changed due to illiberal drift through the eyes of interest groups operating in these two selected post-communist countries. In order to examine their perception of opportunity structures, interaction infrastructure as well as the level of political coordination under the new circumstances, we rely on quantitative research in the form of a survey carried out among interest group representatives. Our results indicate that the political systems of Poland and Hungary are still a mix of pluralist and corporatist features, however, the Polish political opportunity structures are still more open to input from civic society and interest groups have stronger positions compared to the situation in Hungary.
The authors of this paper provide a critical analysis of the most prominent theoretical vehicles employed in studying differentiated integration in contemporary, post-Brexit Europe. They discuss the descriptive, explanatory, and interpretative potential of the selected theoretical approaches that are applied at the intersection of disintegration and European differentiation discourse. "The holy grail" of the theorising of the dynamic (and accelerating) processes of (dis)integration and differentiation remains undiscovered. Nevertheless, a constant search for theoretical explanation is needed in the in-depth analyses of the current state of the European Union.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria. ; The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
The main purpose of the survey discussed in this paper is to answer the question of which factors describe the status of political integration of Poles in Austria. Political integration concerns the phenomenon of joining the political life of a given political system and, to some extent, also its results. For the purpose of this study the notion of political integration is to stand for the involvement of the 'visiting' citizens in the political life of the 'host' state, in particular political participation, taking the form of public activity and voting in elections. The survey adopts a general theoretical model where the state of integration of Poles in Austria is comprehended in terms of a three-element political culture (comprising cognitive, emotional-and-assessing, and behavioral elements). It undergoes external influences, related to the period spent living abroad, and domestic influences of social identity (approached functionally). Additionally, the model assumes that these factors can be internally related. The empirical aspect of the analysis is based on the authors' own survey carried out using a questionnaire, psychological scale and focus group interview of a sample of Polish émigrés in Austria.
The objective of this paper is to analyse the double-layered diversification of the European integration system represented by the countries of Central Europe (CE). Here exemplified by the Visegrad Four (V4) states (Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and Czechia), the region offers a unique laboratory of European differentiated integration (DI). The V4 positions itself on the outer-core of the European Union hemispheres. At the same time, the bloc itself is internally diversified in various, important aspects of integration (conflicting trajectories with Brussels, monetary integration, energy policy, relations with Russia, etc.). Unpacking this intra-V4 diversity will be accompanied by an exploration of the economic and institutional factors possibly affecting it. The political-economy perspective allows us to capture the determinants intersecting at the crossroads of economic and political dimensions. The authors will explore the selected building blocks of the system of differentiation inside the V4 group.
