Suchergebnisse

Concludes a collection of essays on environmental protest in Europe, 1988-1997, providing a comparative analysis of the eight countries examined separately in the contributions with the overarching intention of gauging the impact of institutionalization. The number of reported protest incidents, the key issues (nature conservation, animal rights, energy, pollution, & transport), & the shifting forms of protest (conventional, demonstrative, confrontational, & violent), & the scale of such events are discussed, indicating cross-national differences & similarities. The disruptive nature of environmental protest is addressed, finding German protest to be the most disruptive & British protest to be the least violent. Explanations for the patterns of protest repertoires are proffered. In terms of actors, two kinds predominated: formal environmental movement organizations & entities comprising local campaigns, informal groups, & ad hoc coalitions. The idea of a cohesive movement as manifest in the existence of networks is next considered, addressing two key difficulties in discerning such organization: (1) Most EMO interaction does not occur in the public sphere. (2) Many EMOs avoid publicly linking themselves to protest events & find it tactically advantageous to form ad hoc campaign groups in some cases. The issues of localism & transnationalization are then contemplated, along with the national political context in which all forms of environmentalism reside. It is concluded that the institutionalization of environmentalism that occurred over the decade has not resulted in a clear decline in protest & may, in fact, lead to new waves of activism. 1 Table, 4 Figures. J. Zendejas

Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas

Introduces a collection of essays devoted to addressing diverging ideas on the pattern of environmental protest in the European Union, 1988-1997. Here, discussion opens with a consideration of why environmental protest is compelling & why it has broader implications for democratic politics & for policy making. In terms of the institutionalization of environmentalism, environmental movement organizations' (EMOs') involvement in policy making is seen as important. Such institutionalization leads to official acceptance & a concomitant deescalation of contention & demobilization. However, environmental protest recurred across the EU, leading to an exploration of cross-national variation in France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, the Basque Country, Sweden, & GB. From this, the impact of EU integration on the character of the continental environmental movement is contemplated, particularly in light of the reciprocal relationship between the EC & EMOs. In closing, some attention is given to public event methodology & the data sources used to address the various questions raised in the contributions: public record of environmental protest in leading newspapers of the comparison countries. J. Zendejas

Concludes a collection of essays on environmental protest in Europe, 1988-1997, providing a comparative analysis of the eight countries examined separately in the contributions with the overarching intention of gauging the impact of institutionalization. The number of reported protest incidents, the key issues (nature conservation, animal rights, energy, pollution, & transport), & the shifting forms of protest (conventional, demonstrative, confrontational, & violent), & the scale of such events are discussed, indicating cross-national differences & similarities. The disruptive nature of environmental protest is addressed, finding German protest to be the most disruptive & British protest to be the least violent. Explanations for the patterns of protest repertoires are proffered. In terms of actors, two kinds predominated: formal environmental movement organizations & entities comprising local campaigns, informal groups, & ad hoc coalitions. The idea of a cohesive movement as manifest in the existence of networks is next considered, addressing two key difficulties in discerning such organization: (1) Most EMO interaction does not occur in the public sphere. (2) Many EMOs avoid publicly linking themselves to protest events & find it tactically advantageous to form ad hoc campaign groups in some cases. The issues of localism & transnationalization are then contemplated, along with the national political context in which all forms of environmentalism reside. It is concluded that the institutionalization of environmentalism that occurred over the decade has not resulted in a clear decline in protest & may, in fact, lead to new waves of activism. 1 Table, 4 Figures. J. Zendejas

Introduces a collection of essays devoted to addressing diverging ideas on the pattern of environmental protest in the European Union, 1988-1997. Here, discussion opens with a consideration of why environmental protest is compelling & why it has broader implications for democratic politics & for policy making. In terms of the institutionalization of environmentalism, environmental movement organizations' (EMOs') involvement in policy making is seen as important. Such institutionalization leads to official acceptance & a concomitant deescalation of contention & demobilization. However, environmental protest recurred across the EU, leading to an exploration of cross-national variation in France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, the Basque Country, Sweden, & GB. From this, the impact of EU integration on the character of the continental environmental movement is contemplated, particularly in light of the reciprocal relationship between the EC & EMOs. In closing, some attention is given to public event methodology & the data sources used to address the various questions raised in the contributions: public record of environmental protest in leading newspapers of the comparison countries. J. Zendejas

Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas

Presents data from a protest event analysis of seven EU member states covering 1988 to 1997. Surprisingly a clear decline in protest numbers can only be found in Greece & Sweden, while in all the other countries examined protest increased or remained about the same. Environmental protest in Germany is marked by a number of idiosyncrasies. Only in Germany is nuclear energy the dominating protest issue. The author present several findings with special emphasis on the British & the German case showing the impact of national circumstances for the pattern of environmental protest; a similar pattern in several EU member states cannot be found. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.