The Lebanese Crisis
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 358-372
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In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 358-372
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 282-318
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 243-261
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 195-216
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 638-662
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 663-692
In: Armed Struggle and the Search for State, S. 574-606
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 97-116
ISSN: 1471-6380
Three decades later, the circumstances that led to the Arab–Israeli war of June 1967 bare again the subject of scholarly attention as the end of the Cold War and the release of official documents in the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and Israel have allowed surviving participants to compare notes and made possible the detailed reconstruction of decision-making in those states. Much of this historiography has focused on the critical two months immediately preceding the start of hostilities, giving rise to broad agreement that Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser "stumbled into the crisis rather than provoking it deliberately," through miscalculation and ill-advised brinkmanship. However, there is still no consensus regarding the relationship between Nasser's decisions in spring 1967 and his policy toward Israel in the preceding three years, partly because the dearth of official documents from the Egyptian side has made it difficult to substantiate his real intentions and "historicize" his crisis behavior. Most recent studies tend to skim over the earlier period, if they cover it at all, or now accept the view that Egyptian strategy before 1967 was essentially defensive, based on deterrence and containment, and that Nasser ultimately shifted course due to perceptions of threat that steadily heightened in the course of the previous three years due to the revival of the Arab "cold war," fear of Israeli nuclear power, and deteriorating relations with the United States, all set against a background of the debilitating military entanglement in Yemen and economic malaise at home
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 97
ISSN: 0020-7438
In: International affairs, Band 73, Heft 4, S. 825-825
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 17-32
ISSN: 1533-8614
Armed struggle for the liberation of Palestine has been a rallying cry of the Palestinian national movement since its emergence in the 1960s, but its results have never been more than marginal. Instead, military groups have served a primarily political function, offering Palestinians in the diaspora organizational structures for political expression and state building. However, the nature of the PLO as an exile entity attempting to unite a disparate diaspora has necessarily resulted in an authoritarian leadership wary of the administrative, civilian, and social organizations needed to form a state. Ultimately, the political patterns that developed during the armed struggle impede as much as aid the realization of an independent Palestinian state.
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 103-105
ISSN: 1533-8614
In: Journal of Palestine studies: a quarterly on Palestinian affairs and the Arab-Israeli conflict, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 17-32
ISSN: 0377-919X, 0047-2654
In: Journal of Palestine studies: a quarterly on Palestinian affairs and the Arab-Israeli conflict, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 103-105
ISSN: 0377-919X, 0047-2654
In: International affairs, Band 72, Heft 3, S. 629-630
ISSN: 1468-2346