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This study adopted a dialectical approach to explore the discourse of breast cancer survivors as they talked about and made sense of corporate involvement in promoting and sustaining breast cancer as a social cause. During semistructured interviews, participants reflected on the commercialization of breast cancer and seemed to grapple with corporate motives, corporate constructions of the disease, and corporate influence on their identity; thus, creating three dialectical tensions: (a) corporate altruism versus self-interest, (b) corporate romanticism versus reality, and (c) survivor identification versus disidentification. Corporations are encouraged to consider ways in which they might collaborate with survivors to BOTH maximize corporate profits AND propel the cause in positive and important ways.

There is a need to focus on adding more gender studies into mainstream coursework for many reasons. Schools in the United States, unlike some other leading global powers, are not doing enough to combat gender stereotyping, sexism, and gender disparity. Incorporating gender studies into required coursework could potentially do much to combat the sexism and gender disparity inherent in the current American educational system as well as in the American workforce and American politics. Additionally, gender studies within mainstream or required coursework might have the potential to increase student success, engagement, and activism on campus. To date, the bulk of studies about the impact of feminism and or gender studies instruction have been conducted with students who have elected into Women and Gender Studies (WGS) or feminism courses, not students who encounter gender components as part of their standard curriculum. This study adds some understanding of this under researched area. Accordingly, this mixed methods study sought to measure the impact of non-elective gender studies components in required classes for community college students to understand if exposure to such coursework results in changed perceptions about gender related concepts, including feminism, sexism, and gender roles and norms. The study consisted of a survey of several hundred students and document analysis of student reflections. The findings of this study were that students seemed as likely to change or not change their attitudes in a class that included a gender component as in a class that did not include a gender component. A point of interest however is the students in the gender component courses regularly had higher Pre-and Post- scale scores than students in the non-gender component courses, even though the rate of change was consistent between groups. Why this is the case is as yet undetermined, though it might be, in part, a self-selection effect or due to imperfections of this study.

The Queen's Men use the bodies of actors as the principal spatial medium of their plays; in the True Tragedy of Richard the Third, for example, the bodies of child actors playing representatives of the monarchy are the focus of their audience's affective responses to the play. Consequently, the meaning of any individual performance of the play was not determined by the specifics of individual venues nor by the geographical allegiances of individual communities along the company's touring routes. Instead, The True Tragedy created a stable, new, affective space for royalist publicity that transcended local politics and dissent. Rather than the proto-democratic space for voluntary engagement in public discourse that recent critics have seen in the Queen's Men's dramaturgy, this play created a conceptual space that more closely resembled a royal nation.

Otto Kirchheimer's well-known diagnosis of 'catch-all' partism in Western Europe rests on an implicit causal argument about the consequences of social change for political parties. This article takes up the causal story underlying Kirchheimer's account and traces its implications for a specific, though central, party activity: campaigning. As Kirchheimer discerned, the transformation of advanced industrial societies radically altered the context of parties' strategic decision-making. In the area of election campaigning, parties confronted heightened incentives to approach the electorate with 'persuasive' rather than more traditional 'mobilizing' appeals and developed a greatly increased demand for reliable information about voter preferences. These shifts, in turn, had consequences for party organization, promoting the centralization and marginalization of individual members Kirchheimer associates with the catch-all party type. Through the lens of campaign change, then, we can observe the causal processes that unite the diverse features Kirchheimer links to his catch-all party — although our attention is also drawn to ways in which party development has not conformed to Kirchheimer's expectations. This article illustrates these intersecting processes with a discussion of Labour and Conservative campaigns in Britain.

Two Norwich inns, the Red Lion and the White Horse, are known to have been used by patronised performers between 1583 and 1624. The non-theatrical documentary and material records presented here elucidate the inns' locations, functions, and dimensions; ownership, status in the community, and relationship to the city government; popularity as performance venues; and fates in later centuries. At their heights, the inns were respectable, lucrative, reliable venues, well managed, well appointed, and individually stable for decades. They represent what was likely a thriving and long-lasting entertainment industry, supported by city government but operating outside official civic auspices.

Throughout the latter months of 2000 and early 2001, the Australian public, media and parliament were engaged in a long and emotive debate about motherhood. This debate constructed the two main protagonists, the unborn 'child' and the potential mother, with a variety of different and often oppositional identities. The article looks at the way that these subject identities interacted during the debate, starting from the premise that policy making has unintended and unacknowledged material outcomes, and using governmentality as a tool through which to analyse and understand processes of identity manipulation and resistance within policy making. The recent debate concerning the right of lesbian and single women to access new reproductive technologies in Australia is used as a case study. Nominally the debate was about access to IVF technology; in reality, however, the debate was about the governing of women and, in particular, the governing of motherhood identities. The article focuses on the parliamentary debate over the drafting of legislation designed to stop lesbian and single women from accessing these technologies, particularly the utilization of the 'unborn' subject within these debates as a device to discipline the identity of 'mother'.