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Previous research finds that central-city and suburban indicators of economic development are strongly related. Missing from previous research, however, is an empirical test of the expected relationship between urban-suburban economic dependence and the structure of metropolitan-area governance. In addition, the impact of the state economy on this relationship has not been fully examined. The authors replicate previous research that demonstrates a relationship between the change in central-city and suburban per capita income. Then they test whether this relationship is solely a function of the state economy and if it is affected by the structure of metropolitan-area governance.

In this article, we ask what the pattern of distributive spending has been during the 104th Congress, in which Republicans have been in the majority, compared to the preceding Congress when Democrats were the majority party. We seek to understand the patterns of change in light of four alternative explanations of distributive spending. The changes in the content & recipients of federal domestic outlays between the 103rd & 104th Congresses are suggestive of a partisan influence. Republican control of Congress does not appear to have significantly altered the politics of domestic spending. However, Republican control has influenced the content of domestic public policy. The House under Republican control produced significantly more contingent liability obligations than the 103rd Congress -- programs that are ideologically & politically compatible with the interests of Republican representatives. Evidence suggests that Republican control has produced a partial shift in the interests that are rewarded by federal spending. 4 Tables, 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The authors extend the argument of the marginal consumer to show an important way in which the microlevel requirements of the Tiebout model can be met. They critique the existing literature on the microlevel requirements and argue that the way research has been conducted on the information about public goods possessed by citizens has been flawed in its theoretical presumptions. An alternative view is articulated in which citizens are viewed not to use "objective" information about tax service bundles that might be detectable in survey research but, instead, to use informational heuristics and proxies that permit them nonetheless to locate in jurisdictions that provide them with desired levels of public services.

Examines how a program or programs that provide benefits to recipients in a minority of legislative districts is passed by a majority of the legislative body; based on data from the 100th Congress; US. Argues that "logrolling" is not always necessary; highlights role of political parties, interest groups, and administrative agencies.