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The article explores the role of network-led policymaking with a focus on immigrant integration. Drawing on the EUROCITIES Integrating Cities Charter, it sheds light on how immigration-related diversity governance plays a part in the city-branding strategies. The relevance of policy advocacy through the lens of cosmopolitan urbanism is instrumental for studying the governance of migration and diversity in the age of integration paradigm. Contemporary local policymaking in immigrant integration shaped by city-to-city cooperation tell us about policy models associated to cities' image. Therefore, city branding strategies framed on behalf of networked technopolitics represent a challenging way to study the immigrant integration approach. This exploratory study is based on desk research with an emphasis on literature review and documentary analysis.

International audience ; The creation of the Manaus Free Trade Zone had a development purpose in the Brazilian political, economic and social scenario between 1960 and 1970. This industrial pole was an important device in achieving the desired development, populating a region considered deserted and exposed to external threats at that time. It has guaranteed the improvement on labor standards and social conditions in the Manaus' district and has become the main driving force behind regional employment, higher salaries and growth over the past decades. Using the residuals and the stochastic frontier techniques to estimate the labor and social performances of the Manaus Free Trade Zone, the analysis confirms that the implementation of the special economic zone collaborated to labor and social efficiency in the area-compared to other important industrial Brazilian municipalities-due to the rigid checks conducted by SUFRAMA and the strict respect of labor standards applied in the MFTZ. Nevertheless, economic linkages in the region are still weak and positive spillovers from Manaus to its surroundings were probably inexistent.

International audience ; The creation of the Manaus Free Trade Zone had a development purpose in the Brazilian political, economic and social scenario between 1960 and 1970. This industrial pole was an important device in achieving the desired development, populating a region considered deserted and exposed to external threats at that time. It has guaranteed the improvement on labor standards and social conditions in the Manaus' district and has become the main driving force behind regional employment, higher salaries and growth over the past decades. Using the residuals and the stochastic frontier techniques to estimate the labor and social performances of the Manaus Free Trade Zone, the analysis confirms that the implementation of the special economic zone collaborated to labor and social efficiency in the area-compared to other important industrial Brazilian municipalities-due to the rigid checks conducted by SUFRAMA and the strict respect of labor standards applied in the MFTZ. Nevertheless, economic linkages in the region are still weak and positive spillovers from Manaus to its surroundings were probably inexistent.

The common contention regarding the South China Sea is that its characteristic assets are the central or even the sole explanation for the debate. However, it is the argument of this study that this view is distorted and perilously deceptive. This study argues that there are multiple explanations for these territorial disputes and that they are significantly complicated by the proximity of a few players, the ascent of powerful new forces, the impact of financial power, the dispersion of military and political power, and geopolitical rivalry in Asia. The Unites States views China as a threat to its global hegemony and so has a policy of 'containment'. In the context of the South China Sea, its policies therefore are not intended to resolve disputes in a mutually beneficial way, but to limit China's influence. This forces countries to 'choose sides' rather than engage in mutually beneficial trade. The policy has now also led to a trade war, which could escalate into a military confrontation. This investigation examines the progression of this debate by taking into consideration the various geostrategic, geo-economics, and geopolitical interests of the parties involved and suggests a fundamental paradigm shift in the direction of research to be more conducive toward finding a realistic and peaceful resolution to the disputes in the South China Sea.

Feminização da pobreza no Senegal (2003), escrito pela socióloga e jornalista senegalesa Codou Bop, é fruto de uma comunicação apresentada pela mesma durante o Colloque International de la Recherche Feministe Francophone, ocorrido na França em setembro de 2002, e que foi traduzido e disponibilizado na plataforma da revista eletrônica Labrys- Estudos Feministas pela Prof.a Dra. Tania Navarro Swain.

Abstract The present article deals with the technical dimensions of zootherapy, focusing on the practices developed in this field in order to prepare the animal and the abilities already present in the animals themselves. Employing ethnographically-grounded data and focusing on the interactions between beings and the effects of these interactions, as observed and reported, we will discuss the works of Georges Haudricourt and Carole Ferret. We will then look at the potential and limits of the models presented by these two researchers, broadening the debate with the help of anthropology, by looking at the agency of the non-human beings involved in these practices (practices which seek to control many different processes). Finally, we will demonstrate that while zootherapy presents something of an enigma from the point of view of communications theory, it involves and highlights a series of actions that are socially learned by both humans and animals. In conclusion, we will consider some of the effects that this process has on humans.

AbstractThis article explores the legal writings of Brazilian sociologist and jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Vianna to reveal the global context that shaped Brazil's corporatist experiment in the 1930s. From the Labour Ministry, Oliveira Vianna was at the forefront of legal and political debates over how to create corporatist laws and institutions. He was often cast as an authoritarian and retrograde thinker, yet this article looks beyond those categories to examine how his engagement with the US New Deal inserted corporatism into global debates over the role of the state in economic recovery and social welfare.

Die Arbeit untersucht das Unrecht der privaten Korruption im geschäftlichen Verkehr. Dabei werden drei zentrale, dogmatische und kriminalpolitische Fragen des reformierten Tatbestands des § 299 StGB unter die Lupe genommen, nämlich nach der Strafbarkeit des Geschäftsinhabers de lege ferenda, der Relevanz der Einwilligung des Geschäftsherrn und der Beurteilung der Konstellation der Drittvorteile zugunsten des Prinzipals. Deren unbefriedigende Behandlung – vor allem durch die herrschende Meinung in der Rechtsprechung und in der Literatur – werden als Symptome eines noch fehlenden, korrekten Konzepts zum Unrecht der Korruption im privaten Bereich angesehen.Nach einer kritischen Analyse der herkömmlichen Lösungsansätze, insbesondere des herrschenden Wettbewerbsmodells, wird der eigene Ansatz in Rückbesinnung auf den durch den Prinzipal-Agent-Ansatz geprägten Korruptionsbegriff und auf die normativen Grundlagen eines liberalen Strafrechts entwickelt. Das Unrecht der privaten Bestechung wird sodann in der Beeinträchtigung der wirtschaftlichen Freiheit bzw. der Wettbewerbsfreiheit des Unternehmers (Geschäftsinhabers) gesehen. Schließlich werden die Konsequenzen de lege lata und de lege ferenda dieser Neuorientierung für die Auslegung und Anwendung des § 299 StGB gezogen